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---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Thu, 1 Nov 2001 08:18:05 -0800 (PST)
From: X
To: X

PILGER: THIS WAR IS A FARCE By John Pilger, Former
Mirror chief foreign correspondent



The war against terrorism is a fraud. After three
weeks' bombing, not a single terrorist implicated in
the attacks on America has been caught or killed in
Afghanistan.

Instead, one of the poorest, most stricken nations has
been terrorised by the most powerful - to the point
where American pilots have run out of dubious
"military" targets and are now destroying mud houses,
a hospital, Red Cross warehouses, lorries carrying
refugees.

Unlike the relentless pictures from New York, we are
seeing almost nothing of this. Tony Blair has yet to
tell us what the violent death of children - seven in
one family - has to do with Osama bin Laden.

And why are cluster bombs being used? The British
public should know about these bombs, which the RAF
also uses. They spray hundreds of bomblets that have
only one purpose; to kill and maim people. Those that
do not explode lie on the ground like landmines,
waiting for people to step on them.

If ever a weapon was designed specifically for acts of
terrorism, this is it. I have seen the victims of
American cluster weapons in other countries, such as
the Laotian toddler who picked one up and had her
right leg and face blown off. Be assured this is now
happening in Afghanistan, in your name.

None of those directly involved in the September 11
atrocity was Afghani. Most were Saudis, who apparently
did their planning and training in Germany and the
United States.

The camps which the Taliban allowed bin Laden to use
were emptied weeks ago. Moreover, the Taliban itself
is a creation of the Americans and the British. In the
1980s, the tribal army that produced them was funded
by the CIA and trained by the SAS to fight the
Russians.

The hypocrisy does not stop there. When the Taliban
took Kabul in 1996, Washington said nothing. Why?
Because Taliban leaders were soon on their way to
Houston, Texas, to be entertained by executives of the
oil company, Unocal.

With secret US government approval, the company
offered them a generous cut of the profits of the oil
and gas pumped through a pipeline that the Americans
wanted to build from Soviet central Asia through
Afghanistan.

A US diplomat said: "The Taliban will probably develop
like the Saudis did." He explained that Afghanistan
would become an American oil colony, there would be
huge profits for the West, no democracy and the legal
persecution of women. "We can live with that," he
said.

Although the deal fell through, it remains an urgent
priority of the administration of George W. Bush,
which is steeped in the oil industry. Bush's concealed
agenda is to exploit the oil and gas reserves in the
Caspian basin, the greatest source of untapped fossil
fuel on earth and enough, according to one estimate,
to meet America's voracious energy needs for a
generation. Only if the pipeline runs through
Afghanistan can the Americans hope to control it.

So, not surprisingly, US Secretary of State Colin
Powell is now referring to "moderate" Taliban, who
will join an American-sponsored "loose federation" to
run Afghanistan. The "war on terrorism" is a cover for
this: a means of achieving American strategic aims
that lie behind the flag-waving facade of great power.

The Royal Marines, who will do the real dirty work,
will be little more than mercenaries for Washington's
imperial ambitions, not to mention the extraordinary
pretensions of Blair himself. Having made Britain a
target for terrorism with his bellicose "shoulder to
shoulder" with Bush nonsense, he is now prepared to
send troops to a battlefield where the goals are so
uncertain that even the Chief of the Defence Staff
says the conflict "could last 50 years".

The irresponsibility of this is breathtaking; the
pressure on Pakistan alone could ignite an
unprecedented crisis across the Indian sub-continent.
Having reported many wars, I am always struck by the
absurdity of effete politicians eager to wave farewell
to young soldiers, but who themselves would not say
boo to a Taliban goose.

In the days of gunboats, our imperial leaders covered
their violence in the "morality" of their actions.
Blair is no different. Like them, his selective
moralising omits the most basic truth. Nothing
justified the killing of innocent people in America on
September 11, and nothing justifies the killing of
innocent people anywhere else.

By killing innocents in Afghanistan, Blair and Bush
stoop to the level of the criminal outrage in New
York. Once you cluster bomb, "mistakes" and "blunders"
are a pretence. Murder is murder, regardless of
whether you crash a plane into a building or order and
collude with it from the Oval Office and Downing
Street.





GRIEF: A father weeps over his dead son after the
bombs blunder in Kabul

If Blair was really opposed to all forms of terrorism,
he would get Britain out of the arms trade. On the day
of the twin towers attack, an "arms fair", selling
weapons of terror (like cluster bombs and missiles) to
assorted tyrants and human rights abusers, opened in
London's Docklands with the full backing of the Blair
government.

Britain's biggest arms customer is the medieval Saudi
regime, which beheads heretics and spawned the
religious fanaticism of the Taliban.

If he really wanted to demonstrate "the moral fibre of
Britain", Blair would do everything in his power to
lift the threat of violence in those parts of the
world where there is great and justifiable grievance
and anger.

He would do more than make gestures; he would demand
that Israel ends its illegal occupation of Palestine
and withdraw to its borders prior to the 1967 war, as
ordered by the Security Council, of which Britain is a
permanent member.

He would call for an end to the genocidal blockade
which the UN - in reality, America and Britain - has
imposed on the suffering people of Iraq for more than
a decade, causing the deaths of half a million
children under the age of five.

That's more deaths of infants every month than the
number killed in the World Trade Center.

There are signs that Washington is about to extend its
current "war" to Iraq; yet unknown to most of us,
almost every day RAF and American aircraft already
bomb Iraq. There are no headlines. There is nothing on
the TV news. This terror is the longest-running
Anglo-American bombing campaign since World War Two.

The Wall Street Journal reported that the US and
Britain faced a "dilemma" in Iraq, because "few
targets remain". "We're down to the last outhouse,"
said a US official. That was two years ago, and
they're still bombing. The cost to the British
taxpayer? £800 million so far.

According to an internal UN report, covering a
five-month period, 41 per cent of the casualties are
civilians. In northern Iraq, I met a woman whose
husband and four children were among the deaths listed
in the report. He was a shepherd, who was tending his
sheep with his elderly father and his children when
two planes attacked them, each making a sweep. It was
an open valley; there were no military targets nearby.

"I want to see the pilot who did this," said the widow
at the graveside of her entire family. For them, there
was no service in St Paul's Cathedral with the Queen
in attendance; no rock concert with Paul McCartney.

The tragedy of the Iraqis, and the Palestinians, and
the Afghanis is a truth that is the very opposite of
their caricatures in much of the Western media.

Far from being the terrorists of the world, the
overwhelming majority of the Islamic peoples of the
Middle East and south Asia have been its victims -
victims largely of the West's exploitation of precious
natural resources in or near their countries.

There is no war on terrorism. If there was, the Royal
Marines and the SAS would be storming the beaches of
Florida, where more CIA-funded terrorists, ex-Latin
American dictators and torturers, are given refuge
than anywhere on earth.

There is, however, a continuing war of the powerful
against the powerless, with new excuses, new hidden
agendas, new lies. Before another child dies
violently, or quietly from starvation, before new
fanatics are created in both the east and the west, it
is time for the people of Britain to make their voices
heard and to stop this fraudulent war - and to demand
the kind of bold, imaginative non-violent initiatives
that require real political courage.

The other day, the parents of X, a young
man who died in the World Trade Center, said this: "We
read enough of the news to sense that our government
is heading in the direction of violent revenge, with
the prospect of sons, daughters, parents, friends in
distant lands dying, suffering, and nursing further
grievances against us.

"It is not the way to go...not in our son's name."



__________________________________________________
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http://lists.OpenSoftwareServices.com/mailman/listinfo/madpeace-discuss


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A rare Chicago appearance of Tahmeena Faryal, a representative of
RAWA-the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan-will take
place on Friday, Nov. 9, 6 p.m. at Hot House 31 E. Balbo (between Wabash
and State St.). The meeting is entitled: "The Other America Welcomes the
Other Afghanistan: An Evening of International Solidarity with RAWA-the
Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan."

	The meeting is sponsored by News and Letters Committees(list of
cosponsors is still in formation).

	For more information call: 312-236-0799; email: nandl@igc.org


	Can we oppose both the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11 and the U.S.
government's war on Afghanistan by turning  a different vision of the
future into a reality-a future of freedom, human dignity, cooperation, and
genuine safety?  Who are our allies in helping to realize this vision?

	Come listen to and speak with TAHMEENA FARYAL, representative of
RAWA, the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan.

	RAWA is an independent, all-volunteer, non-violent organization
that calls for multilateral disarmament and the establishment of a secular
democracy in Afghanistan, where women may once again participate fully in
public life. Since 1977, the women of RAWA have stood up to all native and
foreigner oppressors with courage and principle. They opposed the Russian
occupation of Afghanistan and today they oppose all Islamic fundamentalist
forces, including both the Taliban and those in the Northern Alliance.

	On Sept. 14, RAWA condemned the Sept. 11 attacks as a barbaric act
of violence and terror; opposed a U.S. military attack that would kill
thousands of innocent Afghans for the crimes committed by the Taliban and
Osama bin Laden; and expressed its "sincere hope that the great American
people can differentiate between the people of Afghanistan and a handful of
fundamentalist  terrorists."

	While the Taliban have outlawed education for women beyond the
second grade, and deny them the few social services that exist in
Afghanistan, RAWA secretly-and under the threat of death-provides schooling
for girls and boys, as well as medical care and adult education for women.
In neighboring Pakistan, it provides Afghan refugees with aid, runs
orphanages, and sponsors income-generating projects.

_______________________________________________
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http://lists.OpenSoftwareServices.com/mailman/listinfo/madpeace-discuss

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Hi all,
There was a nice little blurb about the Friendship Fast in the Cap Times on
Wednesday.  Thanks, media committee!  Does anyone know if the Wisconsin
State
Journal ran anything on the Fast, yesterday or today?
Peace,
X

_______________________________________________
discuss@madpeace.org mailing list
http://lists.OpenSoftwareServices.com/mailman/listinfo/madpeace-discuss

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Hello Peace-Workers,

The fundraising committee needs an art auction coordinator.

We have a date (12/2) and a place (Mother Fool's) but alas, no art 
and no one to coordinate the getting, delivering and promoting of art 
and it's auction.

Anyone from any committee could do this job - we have a great 
opportunity and it is already being advertised. I'd hate to see it go 
to waste!

Artists are encouraged to donate a piece of their work - art lovers 
are encouraged to donate something they can part with for a good 
cause, and even someone not interested in art but interested in 
fundraising for MAPC could get involved in coordinating this event!

Without fundraising no one can get reimbursed for copying costs and 
equipment rentals, or any other costs incurred producing our events. 
Please help raise money with us.

In solidarity,
X - fundraising "innie" and co-treasurer

_______________________________________________
discuss@madpeace.org mailing list
http://lists.OpenSoftwareServices.com/mailman/listinfo/madpeace-discuss

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              <text>Forwarded From: X
=============================
 
WHITE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE
      Office of the Spokesman 
      Washington, DC
      November 13, 2001
      Detention, Treatment, and Trial of Certain Non-Citizens in the War Against
      Terrorism 
      Military Order 
      By the authority vested in me as President and as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the United States by the
      Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including the Authorization for Use of Military Force Joint
      Resolution (Public Law 107-40, 115 Stat. 224) and sections 821 and 836 of title 10, United States Code, it is hereby
      ordered as follows: 
      Section 1. Findings. 
      (a) International terrorists, including members of al Qaida, have carried out attacks on United States diplomatic and
      military personnel and facilities abroad and on citizens and property within the United States on a scale that has created a
      state of armed conflict that requires the use of the United States Armed Forces. 
      (b) In light of grave acts of terrorism and threats of terrorism, including the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, on the
      headquarters of the United States Department of Defense in the national capital region, on the World Trade Center in New
      York, and on civilian aircraft such as in Pennsylvania, I proclaimed a national emergency on September 14, 2001 (Proc.
      7463, Declaration of National Emergency by Reason of Certain Terrorist Attacks). 
      (c) Individuals acting alone and in concert involved in international terrorism possess both the capability and the intention to
      undertake further terrorist attacks against the United States that, if not detected and prevented, will cause mass deaths,
      mass injuries, and massive destruction of property, and may place at risk the continuity of the operations of the United
      States Government. 
      (d) The ability of the United States to protect the United States and its citizens, and to help its allies and other cooperating
      nations protect their nations and their citizens, from such further terrorist attacks depends in significant part upon using
      the United States Armed Forces to identify terrorists and those who support them, to disrupt their activities, and to
      eliminate their ability to conduct or support such attacks. 
      (e) To protect the United States and its citizens, and for the effective conduct of military operations and prevention of
      terrorist attacks, it is necessary for individuals subject to this order pursuant to section 2 hereof to be detained, and, when
      tried, to be tried for violations of the laws of war and other applicable laws by military tribunals. 
      more 
      (OVER) 
      2 
      (f) Given the danger to the safety of the United States and the nature of international terrorism, and to the extent provided
      by and under this order, I find consistent with section 836 of title 10, United States Code, that it is not practicable to apply
      in military commissions under this order the principles of law and the rules of evidence generally recognized in the trial of
      criminal cases in the United States district courts. 
      (g) Having fully considered the magnitude of the potential deaths, injuries, and property destruction that would result from
      potential acts of terrorism against the United States, and the probability that such acts will occur, I have determined that
      an extraordinary emergency exists for national defense purposes, that this emergency constitutes an urgent and
      compelling govern-ment interest, and that issuance of this order is necessary to meet the emergency. 
      Sec. 2. Definition and Policy. 
      (a) The term "individual subject to this order" shall mean any individual who is not a United States citizen with respect to
      whom I determine from time to time in writing that: 
      (1) there is reason to believe that such individual, at the relevant times, 
      (i) is or was a member of the organization known as al Qaida; 
      (ii) has engaged in, aided or abetted, or conspired to commit, acts of international terrorism, or acts in preparation therefor,
      that have caused, threaten to cause, or have as their aim to cause, injury to or adverse effects on the United States, its
      citizens, national security, foreign policy, or economy; or 
      (iii) has knowingly harbored one or more individuals described in subparagraphs (i) or (ii) of subsection 2(a)(1) of this order; 
      and 
      (2) it is in the interest of the United States that such individual be subject to this order. 
      (b) It is the policy of the United States that the Secretary of Defense shall take all necessary measures to ensure that any
      individual subject to this order is detained in accordance with section 3, and, if the individual is to be tried, that such
      individual is tried only in accordance with section 4. 
      (c) It is further the policy of the United States that any individual subject to this order who is not already under the control
      of the Secretary of Defense but who is under the control of any other officer or agent of the United States or any State
      shall, upon delivery of a copy of such written determination to such officer or agent, forthwith be placed under the control of
      the Secretary of Defense. 
      Sec. 3. Detention Authority of the Secretary of Defense. Any individual subject to this order shall be -- 
      (a) detained at an appropriate location designated by the Secretary of Defense outside or within the United States; 
      (b) treated humanely, without any adverse distinction based on race, color, religion, gender, birth, wealth, or any similar
      criteria; 
      more 
      3 
      (c) afforded adequate food, drinking water, shelter, clothing, and medical treatment; 
      (d) allowed the free exercise of religion consistent with the requirements of such detention; and 
      (e) detained in accordance with such other conditions as the Secretary of Defense may prescribe. 
      Sec. 4. Authority of the Secretary of Defense Regarding Trials of Individuals Subject to this Order. 
      (a) Any individual subject to this order shall, when tried, be tried by military commission for any and all offenses triable by
      military commission that such individual is alleged to have committed, and may be punished in accordance with the
      penalties provided under applicable law, including life imprisonment or death. 
      (b) As a military function and in light of the findings in section 1, including subsection (f) thereof, the Secretary of Defense
      shall issue such orders and regulations, including orders for the appointment of one or more military commissions, as may
      be necessary to carry out subsection (a) of this section. 
      (c) Orders and regulations issued under subsection (b) of this section shall include, but not be limited to, rules for the
      conduct of the proceedings of military commissions, including pretrial, trial, and post-trial procedures, modes of proof,
      issuance of process, and qualifications of attorneys, which shall at a minimum provide for -- 
      (1) military commissions to sit at any time and any place, consistent with such guidance regarding time and place as the
      Secretary of Defense may provide; 
      (2) a full and fair trial, with the military commission sitting as the triers of both fact and law; 
      (3) admission of such evidence as would, in the opinion of the presiding officer of the military commission (or instead, if
      any other member of the commission so requests at the time the presiding officer renders that opinion, the opinion of the
      commission rendered at that time by a majority of the commission), have probative value to a reasonable person; 
      (4) in a manner consistent with the protection of information classified or classifiable under Executive Order 12958 of April
      17, 1995, as amended, or any successor Executive Order, protected by 
      statute or rule from unauthorized disclosure, or otherwise protected by law, (A) the handling of, admission into evidence of,
      and access to materials and information, and (B) the conduct, closure of, and access to proceedings; 
      (5) conduct of the prosecution by one or more attorneys designated by the Secretary of Defense and conduct of the
      defense by attorneys for the individual subject to this order; 
      (6) conviction only upon the concurrence of two-thirds of the members of the commission present at the time of the vote, a
      majority being present; 
      (7) sentencing only upon the concurrence of two-thirds of the members of the commission present at the time of the vote,
      a majority being present; and
      more 
      (OVER) 
      4 
      (8) submission of the record of the trial, including any conviction or sentence, for review and final decision by me or by the
      Secretary of Defense if so designated by me for that purpose. 
      Sec. 5. Obligation of Other Agencies to Assist the Secretary of Defense. 
      Departments, agencies, entities, and officers of the United States shall, to the maximum extent permitted by law, provide
      to the Secretary of Defense such assistance as he may request to implement this order. 
      Sec. 6. Additional Authorities of the Secretary of Defense. 
      (a) As a military function and in light of the findings in section 1, the Secretary of Defense shall issue such orders and
      regulations as may be necessary to carry out any of the provisions of this order. 
      (b) The Secretary of Defense may perform any of his functions or duties, and may exercise any of the powers provided to
      him under this order (other than under section 4(c)(8) hereof) in accordance with section 113(d) of title 10, United States
      Code. 
      Sec. 7. Relationship to Other Law and Forums. 
      (a) Nothing in this order shall be construed to -- 
      (1) authorize the disclosure of state secrets to any person not otherwise authorized to have access to them; 
      (2) limit the authority of the President as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces or the power of the President to grant
      reprieves and pardons; or 
      (3) limit the lawful authority of the Secretary of Defense, any military commander, or any other officer or agent of the United
      States or of any State to detain or try any person who is not an individual subject to this order. 
      (b) With respect to any individual subject to this order -- 
      (1) military tribunals shall have exclusive jurisdiction with respect to offenses by the individual; and 
      (2) the individual shall not be privileged to seek any remedy or maintain any proceeding, directly or indirectly, or to have
      any such remedy or proceeding sought on the individual's behalf, in (i) any 
      court of the United States, or any State thereof, (ii) any court of any foreign nation, or (iii) any international tribunal. 
      (c) This order is not intended to and does not create any right, benefit, or privilege, substantive or procedural, enforceable
      at law or equity by any party, against the United States, its departments, agencies, or other entities, its officers or
      employees, or any other person. 
      (d) For purposes of this order, the term "State" includes any State, district, territory, or possession of the United States. 
      more 
      5 
      (e) I reserve the authority to direct the Secretary of Defense, at any time hereafter, to transfer to a governmental authority
      control of any individual subject to this order. Nothing in this order shall be construed to limit the authority of any such
      governmental authority to prosecute any individual for whom control is transferred. 
      Sec. 8. Publication. 
      This order shall be published in the Federal Register. 
      GEORGE W. BUSH 
      THE WHITE HOUSE, 
      November 13, 2001
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              <text>[MAPC-discuss] Fw: !*BUSH Military Order - Detention, Treatment, Trial of Certain Non-Citizens in War Against Terrorism</text>
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Over the weekend, when reporting that the U.S. bombing raids were
intensifying support for the Taliban within Afghanistan, CNN repeatedly
commented that the Afghan people were not sophisticated enough to blame
their own government for the U.S. attacks.

Talk about perversion.  More below....

X


----- Original Message -----
From: "X
To: &lt;Undisclosed-Recipient:@hera.webcom.com;;;;&gt;
Sent: Friday, November 02, 2001 7:49 PM
Subject: !*CNN: Focus on Civilian Casualties Would Be "Perverse" + More


&gt; FORWARDED MESSAGES
&gt; ====================
&gt; From: "X
&gt; Sent: Thursday, November 01, 2001 1:36 PM
&gt;
&gt;  ACTION ALERT:
&gt;  CNN Says Focus on Civilian Casualties Would Be "Perverse"
&gt;
&gt;  November 1, 2001
&gt;
&gt;  According to the Washington Post (10/31/01), CNN Chair Walter Isaacson
"has
&gt;  ordered his staff to balance images of civilian devastation in Afghan
&gt; cities
&gt;  with reminders that the Taliban harbors murderous terrorists, saying it
&gt;  'seems perverse to focus too much on the casualties or hardship in
&gt;  Afghanistan.'"
&gt;
&gt;  Post media reporter Howard Kurtz quotes a memo from Isaacson to CNN's
&gt;  international correspondents: "As we get good reports from
&gt;  Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, we must redouble our efforts to make sure
&gt; we
&gt;  do not seem to be simply reporting from their vantage or perspective. We
&gt;  must talk about how the Taliban are using civilian shields and how the
&gt;  Taliban have harbored the terrorists responsible for killing close to
5,000
&gt;  innocent people."
&gt;
&gt;  The memo went on to admonish reporters covering civilian deaths not to
&gt;  "forget it is that country's leaders who are responsible for the
situation
&gt;  Afghanistan is now in," suggesting that journalists should lay
&gt;  responsibility for civilian casualties at the Taliban's door, not the
U.S.
&gt;  military's.
&gt;
&gt;  Kurtz also quotes a follow-up memo from Rick Davis, CNN's head of
standards
&gt;  and practices, that suggested sample language for news anchors:
&gt;
&gt;  " 'We must keep in mind, after seeing reports like this from
&gt;  Taliban-controlled areas, that these U.S. military actions are in
response
&gt;  to a terrorist attack that killed close to 5,000 innocent people in the
&gt;  U.S.' or, 'We must keep in mind, after seeing reports like this, that the
&gt;  Taliban regime in Afghanistan continues to harbor terrorists who have
&gt;  praised the September 11 attacks that killed close to 5,000 innocent
people
&gt;  in the U.S.,' or 'The Pentagon has repeatedly stressed that it is trying
to
&gt;  minimize civilian casualties in Afghanistan, even as the Taliban regime
&gt;  continues to harbor terrorists who are connected to the September 11
&gt; attacks
&gt;  that claimed thousands of innocent lives in the U.S.' "
&gt;
&gt;  Davis stated that "even though it may start sounding rote, it is
important
&gt;  that we make this point each time."
&gt;
&gt;  The New York Times reported (11/1/01) that these policies are already
being
&gt;  implemented at CNN, with other networks following a similar, though
perhaps
&gt;  not as formalized, strategy. "In the United States," the Times noted,
&gt;  "television images of Afghan bombing victims are fleeting, cushioned
&gt; between
&gt;  anchors or American officials explaining that such sights are only one
side
&gt;  of the story." In other countries, however, "images of wounded Afghan
&gt;  children curled in hospital beds or women rocking in despair over a
baby's
&gt;  corpse" are "more frequent and lingering."
&gt;
&gt;  When CNN correspondent Nic Robertson reported yesterday from the site of
a
&gt;  bombed medical facility in Kandahar, the Times reported, U.S. anchors
&gt; "added
&gt;  disclaimers aimed at reassuring American viewers that the network was not
&gt;  siding with the enemy." CNN International, however, did not add any such
&gt;  disclaimers.
&gt;
&gt;  During its U.S broadcasts, CNN "quickly switched to the rubble of the
World
&gt;  Trade Center" after showing images of the damage in Kandahar, and the
&gt; anchor
&gt;  "reminded viewers of the deaths of as many as 5,000 people whose 'biggest
&gt;  crime was going to work and getting there on time.'"
&gt;
&gt;  If anything in this story is "perverse," it's that one of the world's
most
&gt;  powerful news outlets has instructed its journalists not to report Afghan
&gt;  civilian casualties without attempting to justify those deaths. "I want
to
&gt;  make sure we're not used as a propaganda platform," Isaacson told the
&gt;  Washington Post. But his memo essentially mandates that pro-U.S.
propaganda
&gt;  be included in the news.
&gt;
&gt;  ACTION: Please tell CNN to factually report the consequences of the U.S.
&gt; war
&gt;  in Afghanistan without editorializing. Including a justification for the
&gt;  bombing with every mention of civilian casualties risks turning CNN from
a
&gt;  news outlet into a propaganda service.
&gt;
&gt;  CONTACT:
&gt;  CNN, Walter Isaacson, Chairman and CEO
&gt;  Phone: (404) 827-1500
&gt;  Fax: (404) 827-1784
&gt;  mailto:community@cnn.com
&gt;
&gt;  As always, please remember that your comments are taken more seriously if
&gt;  you maintain a polite tone. Please cc fair@fair.org with your
&gt;  correspondence.
&gt;
&gt;  For further details, see Howard Kurtz's full Washington Post story:
&gt;  http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A14435-2001Oct30.html
&gt;
&gt;                                 ----------
&gt;
&gt; ACTION ALERT:
&gt; Op-Ed Echo Chamber:
&gt; Little space for dissent to the military line
&gt;
&gt; November 2, 2001
&gt;
&gt; During the weeks following September's terrorist attacks, two leading
&gt; dailies used their op-ed pages as an echo chamber for the government's
&gt; official policy of military response, mostly ignoring dissenters and
policy
&gt; critics.
&gt;
&gt; A FAIR survey of the New York Times and the Washington Post op-ed pages
for
&gt; the three weeks following the attacks (9/12/01 - 10/2/01) found that
columns
&gt; calling for or assuming a military response to the attacks were given a
&gt; great deal of space, while opinions urging diplomatic and international
law
&gt; approaches as an alternative to military action were nearly non-existent.
&gt;
&gt; We counted a total of 44 columns in the Times and Post that clearly
stressed
&gt; a military response, against only two columns stressing non-military
&gt; solutions. (Though virtually every op-ed in both papers dealt in some way
&gt; with September 11, most did not deal specifically with how to respond to
the
&gt; attacks, with many focusing on economics, rebuilding, New York's Rudolph
&gt; Giuliani, etc. During the period surveyed, the Post ran a total of 105
op-ed
&gt; columns, the Times ran 79.)
&gt;
&gt; Overall, the Post was more militaristic, running at least 32 columns
&gt; favoring military action, compared to 12 in the Times. But the Post also
&gt; provided the only two columns we could find in the first three weeks after
&gt; September 11 that argued for non-military responses; the Times had no such
&gt; columns. Both dissenting columns were written by guest writers.
&gt;
&gt; The Times' and Post's in-house columnists provided the bulk of the pro-war
&gt; commentary. Two-thirds of the Times columns urging military action were
&gt; written in-house, as were more than half of the Post's pro-war columns.
This
&gt; may say something about which journalists are singled out for promotion to
&gt; the prestigious position of columnist.
&gt;
&gt; In addition, both op-ed pages showed a striking gender imbalance. Of the
107
&gt; op-ed writers at the Post, only seven were women. Proportionally, the
Times
&gt; did slightly better, with eight female writers out of 79.
&gt;
&gt; When critics argue that U.S. news media have a duty to provide a broad
&gt; debate on war, a common response is to ask why-- after all, isn't there a
&gt; political and popular consensus in favor of war?
&gt;
&gt; Perhaps, but there's reason to believe that the extent and nature of that
&gt; consensus has been overstated and distorted.
&gt;
&gt; In polls that offered a choice between a military response or nothing,
it's
&gt; true that overwhelming majorities chose war. But given the choice between
a
&gt; either military assault or pressing for the extradition and trial of those
&gt; responsible (Christian Science Monitor, 9/27/01), a substantial minority
&gt; either chose extradition (30 percent) or were undecided (16 percent).
These
&gt; people had next to no representation in the op-ed debate; in fact, it's
&gt; likely that many people asked to choose whether or not to go to war had
&gt; never seen an alternative to war articulated in a mainstream outlet.
&gt;
&gt; There is also a little-acknowledged gender gap in poll responses about
&gt; military action, a fact that lends new significance to the gender
imbalance
&gt; in Washington Post and New York Times op-eds. In the final two paragraphs
of
&gt; a 1,395-word story titled "Public Unyielding in War Against Terror "
&gt; (9/29/01), the Washington Post pointed out that women "were significantly
&gt; less likely to support a long and costly war." According to the Post,
while
&gt; 44 percent of women would support a broad military effort, "48 percent
said
&gt; they want a limited strike or no military action at all."
&gt;
&gt; Similarly, a CNN/USA Today/Gallup poll (Gallup.com, 10/5/01) showed that
64
&gt; percent of men think the U.S. "should mount a long-term war," while 24
&gt; percent favored limiting retaliation to punishing the specific groups
&gt; responsible for the attacks. In contrast, "women are evenly divided-- with
&gt; 42 percent favoring each option." Noting that "women's support for war is
&gt; much more conditional than that of men," Gallup reports that though 88
&gt; percent of women favored taking retaliatory military action, that number
&gt; dropped to 55 percent if 1,000 American troops would be killed (76 percent
&gt; of men would support a war under these circumstances).
&gt;
&gt; Of course, gender equity on the op-ed pages would not guarantee
proportional
&gt; representation for dissenters-- some of the most virulently pro-war and
&gt; anti-Muslim columns have been written by female commentators (e.g., Mona
&gt; Charen, who called for mass expulsions based on ethnicity--Washington
Times,
&gt; 10/18/01). But given the gender differences suggested by polling, more
women
&gt; on the op-ed pages might well give the lie to the conventional wisdom that
&gt; all Americans have no-holds-barred enthusiasm for an open-ended war.
&gt;
&gt; Even, however, if one accepts the idea that the public overwhelmingly
favors
&gt; war, the task of journalism is to remain independent and to ask tough
&gt; questions of policy makers. After all, American history includes many
&gt; official policies that were popular in their time, but which today are
&gt; viewed as disasters. Wouldn't the country have been better off if
&gt; journalists had provided a stronger, more abiding challenge to the
consensus
&gt; that supported Vietnam, or the internment of Japanese-Americans?
&gt;
&gt; More than any other newspapers, the New York Times and the Washington
Post--
&gt; with their unmatched influence in the nation's capitol and in U.S.
&gt; newsrooms-- have a duty to provide readers with a wide range of views on
how
&gt; to deal with terrorism, its causes and solutions. If the purpose of the
&gt; op-ed page is to provide a vigorous debate including critical opinions,
both
&gt; papers failed their readers at a crucial time.
&gt;
&gt; ACTION: Please urge the Washington Post and the New York Times to broaden
&gt; the range of debate on their op-ed pages about the U.S. war in
Afghanistan.
&gt;
&gt; CONTACT:
&gt; New York Times
&gt; Terry A. Tang, Op-Ed Page Editor
&gt; mailto:nytnews@nytimes.com
&gt; Toll free comment line: 1-888-NYT-NEWS
&gt;
&gt; Washington Post
&gt; Michael Getler, Ombudsman
&gt; mailto:ombudsman@washpost.com
&gt; (202) 334-7582
&gt;
&gt; As always, please remember that your comments are taken more seriously if
&gt; you maintain a polite tone. Please cc fair@fair.org with your
&gt; correspondence.
&gt;
&gt;                                ----------
&gt;
&gt;                                   FAIR
&gt;                              (212) 633-6700
&gt;                           http://www.fair.org/
&gt;                           E-mail: fair@fair.org
&gt; ====================================&gt;
&gt; From: X
&gt;
&gt; 1) Afghan Casualty Image:
&gt;
http://www.sunday-times.co.uk/news/pages/sti/2001/10/28/stiusausa01004.html
&gt;
&gt; ******************************
&gt;
&gt; 2) US attack kills Afghan children in Kabul
&gt;
&gt; Live television captures scenes of tragedy, and desperation
&gt;
&gt; by Ali Abunimah
&gt;
&gt; October 28, 2001
&gt;
&gt; American warplanes struck civilian dwellings in the Makrurian neighborhood
&gt; of the Afghan capital Kabul on Sunday morning killing a number of people
&gt; many of them children, Al-Jazeera [Qatar-based cable TV network] reported.
&gt;
&gt; In a live report from the city moments after the strike, at approximately
&gt; 9 AM in Kabul, the television showed residents desperately digging through
&gt; the rubble of destroyed houses with small shovels looking for bodies of
&gt; loved ones. The television showed several bodies being uncovered from
&gt; under rubble, including the bodies of two young sisters. The television
&gt; showed their father crying and utterly distraught as his daughters were
&gt; pulled from the rubble and laid out on the ground. As people dug for
&gt; bodies, American warplanes circled overhead, and some people ran for
&gt; cover, apparently in fear of more attacks.
&gt;
&gt; The television showed, in pictures which were extremely difficult to bear,
&gt; bodies of children being laid out inside a building. One of the bodies
&gt; visible was missing limbs. Adults gently laid the bodies out and covered
&gt; them with sheets. In another shot the camera showed a head being revealed
&gt; by a rescuers shovel from a pile of rubble.
&gt;
&gt; The television showed a teenage boy searching among rubble of a house
&gt; possibly for members of his family.
&gt;
&gt; As the report was live, and the events were still unfolding, it was
&gt; impossible to say exactly how many people were killed. The Al-Jazeera
&gt; correspondent Taysir Allouni said that one completely destroyed house had
&gt; had nine occupants, of whom only one had emerged alive. In addition to the
&gt; dead people, the television showed a neighborhood of very simple mud
&gt; houses, which are simply pulverized when bombed, and many dazed, injured
&gt; and distraught residents.
&gt;
&gt; These images, perhaps because they were live and unedited, showed in the
&gt; most direct and shocking way what high explosives do to human beings and
&gt; their homes. These were the most upsetting pictures I have yet seen from
&gt; the war, and at times I found myself having to turn away from the screen.
&gt;
&gt; In other news, Israeli occupation forces have killed at least four more
&gt; Palestinians over the weekend, bringing the number Israel has killed since
&gt; October 18 to near 50. The Israeli government has announced that it is
&gt; postponing indefinitely its announced withdrawal from the towns and cities
&gt; it reoccupied since October 18.
&gt;
&gt; Ali Abunimah
&gt; http://www.abunimah.org
&gt; ------------------------------------------------
&gt; This article came from
&gt; naeem_news@yahoogroups.com
&gt;
&gt; News/op-eds from alternate/progressive sources-- focusing on South Asia,
&gt; Third World.
&gt;
&gt; http://www.shobak.org
&gt; ------------------------------------------------
&gt;
&gt; (end)
&gt;
&gt;


_______________________________________________
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http://lists.OpenSoftwareServices.com/mailman/listinfo/madpeace-discuss

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&gt; A.N.S.W.E.R. FACT SHEET - The Media and the Government
&gt;
&gt; The State Of The "Free Press" After October 7 -
&gt; ALL PROPAGANDA, ALL THE TIME!
&gt;
&gt; In the past weeks, images have been seen around the world of
&gt; bombings of villages, hospitals, mosques, Red Cross
&gt; facilities and more.  What has been the response of those
&gt; dropping the bombs?  The U.S. and England are opening what
&gt; they call "Coalition Information Centers" - a plan for
&gt; 24-hour-a-day domination of the news to manipulate and
&gt; refute these images.
&gt;
&gt; In the last weeks, the Bush administration, the Pentagon and
&gt; the CIA have been battening down all of the hatches to
&gt; deprive the people of the United States of any independent
&gt; source of information.  Why is the government so afraid that
&gt; people in the United States will have the opportunity to
&gt; receive uncensored news and information?  It is because the
&gt; Bush administration, having learned a crucial lesson in
&gt; Vietnam, knows that if the people actually learn the truth
&gt; about the war, they may become its most vocal and effective
&gt; opponents.
&gt;
&gt; In some countries, governments have waged violent and
&gt; repressive wars against journalists.  Reporters have been
&gt; arrested and even killed, fear has been installed in those
&gt; who seek to go against the government.  But that is not the
&gt; case in the U.S.  Reporters here don't have to be arrested
&gt; or shot or even threatened.  These big capitalist media
&gt; realize that their real function is to be the public
&gt; relations arm of the Pentagon. They are engaging in
&gt; self-censorship.
&gt;
&gt; U.S. textbooks teach of a U.S. media that is distinguished
&gt; from the media in vast parts of the globe because it is a
&gt; "free press" - not a state-run media, but an independent
&gt; media, free from government supervision and dictates.
&gt;
&gt; But since September 11, 2001, and especially since the
&gt; bombing of Afghanistan began on October 7, it would be very
&gt; hard to assert that there is a free or independent press in
&gt; the United States.  (Those who have studied the
&gt; corporate-dominated media know that there wasn't much of a
&gt; "free" press in the U.S. prior to September 11 either,
&gt; though there is a growing progressive media independent from
&gt; corporate domination.)
&gt;
&gt; Did you know that ...
&gt;
&gt; On October 7 - the day the U.S. began bombing Afghanistan -
&gt; the National Imagery and Mapping Agency signed a contract
&gt; for exclusive rights to all commercial satellite imagery of
&gt; Afghanistan and other countries in the region.  The U.S.
&gt; government's National Imagery and Mapping Agency is a
&gt; "top-secret Defense Department intelligence agency," and it
&gt; is currently in negotiations to renew its contract, which
&gt; expires November 5.  It paid $1.91 million for the first 30
&gt; days of the contract. (Reuters, 10/30/01, "US in talks to
&gt; keep rights to satellite images)
&gt;
&gt; On October 10, White House national security adviser
&gt; Condoleezza Rice met with major U.S. television networks and
&gt; asked them not to show videotaped messages issued by Osama
&gt; bin Laden live and unedited. They agreed to this request.
&gt; MSNBC and Fox News did not air at all the next statement
&gt; issued by bin Laden, and CNN showed only brief excerpts.
&gt;
&gt; On October 11, the Bush administration asked newspapers not
&gt; to print statements issued by Osama bin Laden.  They agreed.
&gt;
&gt; On October 17, a closed-door meeting was held between
&gt; network heads and studio chiefs in Hollywood and members of
&gt; the Bush administration.  Deputy Assistant to the President
&gt; Chris Henick and Associate Director of the Office of Public
&gt; Liaison Adam Goldman represented the Bush administration in
&gt; the meeting, where Hollywood heads "committed themselves to
&gt; new initiatives in support of the war on terrorism. These
&gt; initiatives would stress efforts to enhance the perception
&gt; of America around the world, to 'get out the message' on the
&gt; fight against terrorism and to mobilize existing resources,
&gt; such as satellites and cable, to foster better global
&gt; understanding." (Variety, 10/18/01, White House enlists
&gt; Hollywood for war effort, By Peter Bart)
&gt;
&gt; On October 30, the chairman of CNN and its head of standards
&gt; and practices sent memos to the CNN staff relating to their
&gt; coverage of the war.  In the first memo, Walter Isaacson,
&gt; the chairman of CNN, said it "seems perverse to focus too
&gt; much on the casualties or hardship in Afghanistan."  The
&gt; memo sent by Rick Davis, the head of standards and
&gt; practices, continued, it "may be hard for the correspondent
&gt; in these dangerous areas to make the points clearly."  Davis
&gt; actually suggested language for anchors to use while footage
&gt; of civilian casualties was being shown: (1) "We must keep in
&gt; mind, after seeing reports like this from Taliban-controlled
&gt; areas, that these U.S. military actions are in response to a
&gt; terrorist attack that killed close to 5,000 innocent people
&gt; in the U.S." or (2) "We must keep in mind, after seeing
&gt; reports like this, that the Taliban regime in Afghanistan
&gt; continues to harbor terrorists who have praised the
&gt; September 11 attacks that killed close to 5,000 innocent
&gt; people in the U.S." or (3) "The Pentagon has repeatedly
&gt; stressed that it is trying to minimize civilian casualties
&gt; in Afghanistan, even as the Taliban regime continues to
&gt; harbor terrorists who are connected to the September 11
&gt; attacks that claimed thousands of innocent lives in the
&gt; U.S."  He concludes, "Even though it may start sounding
&gt; rote, it is important that we make this point each time."
&gt; ("CNN Chief Orders 'Balance' in War News" by Howard Kurtz,
&gt; Washington Post 10/31/01)
&gt;
&gt; On October 30, British Defense Minister Geoff Hoon met with
&gt; U.S. Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld, to stress England's
&gt; concern about the fact that public opinion in Britain and
&gt; the rest of Western Europe has been turning against the war,
&gt; largely because of the increasing reports of civilian
&gt; casualties from the bombing.  A "Western diplomat" quoted in
&gt; the New York Times said, "the collateral damage doesn't make
&gt; nice pictures in the newspapers."  The Times also reported
&gt; that "The European public appears more concerned about
&gt; civilian casualties than ending the war swiftly." Senior
&gt; Blair adviser Alstair Campbell met with U.S. Presidential
&gt; Counselor Karen Hughes about concerns about public opinion
&gt; in Europe and the Middle East. ("U.S. Campaign on 2nd Front:
&gt; Public Opinion" by Michael R. Gordon and Eric Schmitt, New
&gt; York Times, 10/31/01)
&gt;
&gt; On October 31, Taliban representatives held a press
&gt; conference in Pakistan to announce that over 1,500 people
&gt; had been killed in the first 24 days of bombing, mainly
&gt; civilians.
&gt;
&gt; On October 31, at a joint press conference with British
&gt; Prime Minister Tony Blair, Syrian President Bashar Assad
&gt; said "We cannot accept what we see on the [television]
&gt; screen every day - hundreds of civilians dying."
&gt;
&gt; On November 1, the U.S. and Britain jointly opened
&gt; "Coalition Information Centers" in Washington DC, London and
&gt; Islamabad, Pakistan.  These centers will allow for
&gt; 24-hour-a-day efforts to dominate news coverage of the U.S.
&gt; and British bombing of Afghanistan.  Their focus will be on
&gt; rebutting reports of civilian casualties. It will include
&gt; press conferences, speeches and Internet reports staggered
&gt; to target morning and evening coverage in the U.S., Europe
&gt; and the Middle East and South/Central Asia. The State
&gt; Department is planning its own effort to circulate
&gt; information on the Internet and providing downloadable
&gt; information sheets to be used by U.S. embassies worldwide.
&gt; ("U.S., Britain Step Up War for Public Opinion," by Karen
&gt; DeYoung, 11/1/01 Washington Post)
&gt;
&gt; On November 2, New York Times Op-Ed writer Thomas Friedman
&gt; wrote, "A month into the war in Afghanistan, the
&gt; hand-wringing has already begun over how long this might
&gt; last. Let's all take a deep breath and repeat after me: Give
&gt; war a chance. This is Afghanistan we're talking about. Check
&gt; the map. It's far away." ("One War, Two Fronts," by Thomas
&gt; L. Friedman, NY Times, 11/2/01)
&gt;
&gt; ------------------
&gt; Send replies to iacenter@action-mail.org
&gt;
&gt; This is the IAC activist announcement
&gt; list. Anyone can subscribe by sending
&gt; any message to &lt;ActionCenter.actgen-subscribe@action-mail.org&gt;
&gt; To unsubscribe &lt;ActionCenter.actgen-off@action-mail.org&gt;
&gt;


_______________________________________________
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----- Original Message -----
From: " X" &lt;X&gt;
To: &lt;madatthebank@yahoogroups.com&gt;; &lt;mad_ftaa@yahoogroups.com&gt;;
&lt;pw-list@igc.topica.com&gt;
Sent: Monday, November 12, 2001 9:47 AM
Subject: Globalization Movement: Points of Clarification


&gt;
http://slash.autonomedia.org/article.pl?sid=01/11/09/2216253&amp;mode=nocomment&amp;
threshold=
&gt;
&gt; THE GLOBALIZATION MOVEMENT: SOME POINTS OF CLARIFICATION
&gt; By David Graeber
&gt;
&gt; A great deal of nonsense has been written about the so-called
&gt; antiglobalization movementóparticularly the more radical, direct action
&gt; end of itóand very little has been written by anyone who has spent any
&gt; time inside it. As Pierre Bourdieu recently noted, the neglect of the
&gt; movement by North American academics is nothing short of scandalous.
&gt; Academics who for years have published essays that sound like position
&gt; papers for large social movements that do not in fact exist seem seized
&gt; with confusion or worse, highminded contempt, now that real ones are
&gt; everywhere emerging. As an active participant in the movement as well
&gt; as an anthropologist, I want to provide some broad background for those
&gt; intellectuals who might be interested in taking up some of their
&gt; historical responsibilities. This essay is meant to clear away a few
&gt; misconceptions.
&gt;
&gt; The phrase "antiglobalization" movement was coined by the corporate
&gt; media, and people inside the movement, especially in the non-NGO,
&gt; direct action camp, have never felt comfortable with it. Essentially,
&gt; this is a movement against neoliberalism, and for creating new forms of
&gt; global democracy. Unfortunately, that statement is almost meaningless
&gt; in the US, since the media insist on framing such issues only in
&gt; propagandistic terms ("free trade," "free market") and the term
&gt; neoliberalism is not in general use. As a result, in meetings one often
&gt; hears people using the expressions "globalization movement" and
&gt; "antiglobalization movement" interchangeably.
&gt;
&gt;   In fact, if one takes globalization to mean the effacement of borders
&gt; and the free movement of people, possessions and ideas, then it's
&gt; pretty clear that not only is the movement a product of globalization,
&gt; but that most of the groups involved in itó particularly the most
&gt; radical onesóare in fact far more supportive of globalization in
&gt; general than supporters of the International Monetary Fund or World
&gt; Trade Organization. The real origins of the movement, for example, lie
&gt; in an international network called People's Global Action (PGA). PGA
&gt; emerged from a 1998 Zapatista encuentro in Barcelona, and its founding
&gt; members include not only anarchist groups in Spain, Britain and
&gt; Germany, but a Gandhian socialist peasant league in India, the
&gt; Argentinian teachers' union, indigenous groups such as the Maori of New
&gt; Zealand and Kuna of Ecuador, the Brazilian landless peasantsí movement
&gt; and a network made up of communities founded by escaped slaves in South
&gt; and Central America. North America was for a long time one of the few
&gt; areas that was hardly represented (except for the Canadian Postal
&gt; Workers Union, which acted as PGA's main communications hub until it
&gt; was largely replaced by the internet). It was PGA that put out the
&gt; first calls for days of action such as J18 and N30óthe latter, the
&gt; original call for direct action against the 1999 WTO meetings in
&gt; Seattle.
&gt;
&gt; Internationalism is also reflected in the movementís demands. Here one
&gt; need look only at the three great planks of the platform of the Italian
&gt; group Ya Basta! (appropriated, without acknowledgment, by Michael Hardt
&gt; and Tony Negri in their book Empire): a universally guaranteed "basic
&gt; income," a principle of global citizenship that would guarantee free
&gt; movement of people across borders, and a principle of free access to
&gt; new technologyówhich in practice would mean extreme limits on patent
&gt; rights (themselves a very insidious form of protectionism). More and
&gt; more, protesters have been trying to draw attention to the fact that
&gt; the neoliberal vision of "globalization" is pretty much limited to the
&gt; free flow of commodities, and actually increases barriers against the
&gt; flow of people, information and ideas. As we [?] often point out, the
&gt; size of the US border guard has in fact almost tripled since signing of
&gt; NAFTA. This is not really surprising, since if it were not possible to
&gt; effectively imprison the majority of people in the world in
&gt; impoverished enclaves where even existing social guarantees could be
&gt; gradually removed, there would be no incentive for companies like Nike
&gt; or The Gap to move production there to begin with. The protests in
&gt; Genoa, for example, were kicked off by a 50,000-strong march calling
&gt; for free immigration in and out of Europeóa fact that went completely
&gt; unreported by the international press, which the next day headlined
&gt; claims by George Bush and Tony Blair that protesters were calling for a
&gt; "fortress Europe."
&gt;
&gt; In striking contrast with past forms of internationalism, however, this
&gt; movement has not simply advocated exporting Western organizational
&gt; models to the rest of the world; if anything, the flow has been the
&gt; other way around. Most of the movementís techniques (consensus process,
&gt; spokescouncils, even mass nonviolent civil disobedience itself) were
&gt; first developed in the global South. In the long run, this may well
&gt; prove the most radical thing about it.
&gt;
&gt; Ever since Seattle, the international media have endlessly decried the
&gt; supposed violence of direct action. The US media invoke this term most
&gt; insistently, despite the fact that after two years of increasingly
&gt; militant protests in the US, it is still impossible to come up with a
&gt; single example of someone physically injured by a protester. I would
&gt; say that what really disturbs the powers-that-be is that they do not
&gt; know how to deal with an overtly revolutionary movement that refuses to
&gt; fall into familiar patterns of armed resistance.
&gt;
&gt; Here there is often a very conscious effort to destroy existing
&gt; paradigms. Where once it seemed that the only alternatives to marching
&gt; along with signs were either Gandhian non-violent civil disobedience or
&gt; outright insurrection, groups like the Direct Action Network, Reclaim
&gt; the Streets, Black Blocs or Ya Basta! have all, in their own ways, been
&gt; trying to map out a completely new territory in between. Theyíre
&gt; attempting to invent what many call a "new language" of protest
&gt; combining elements of what might otherwise be considered street
&gt; theater, festival and what can only be called nonviolent warfare
&gt; (nonviolent in the sense adopted by, say, Black Bloc anarchists, of
&gt; eschewing any direct physical harm to human beings). Ya Basta! for
&gt; example is famous for its tuti bianci or white overalls: elaborate
&gt; forms of padding, ranging from foam armor to inner tubes to
&gt; rubber-ducky flotation devices, helmets and their signature
&gt; chemical-proof white jumpsuits. As this nonviolent army pushes its way
&gt; through police barricades while protecting each other against injury or
&gt; arrest, the ridiculous gear seems to reduce human beings to cartoon
&gt; charactersómisshapen, ungainly but almost impossible to damage. (The
&gt; effect is only increased when lines of costumed figures attack police
&gt; with balloons and water pistols or feather dusters.) Even the most
&gt; militantósay, eco-saboteurs like the Earth Liberation
&gt; Frontóscrupulously avoid anything that would cause harm to human beings
&gt; (or for that matter, animals). It's this scrambling of conventional
&gt; categories that so throws off the forces of order and makes them
&gt; desperate to bring things back to familiar territory (simple violence):
&gt; even to the point, as in Genoa, of encouraging fascist hooligans to run
&gt; riot as an excuse to use overwhelming force.
&gt;
&gt; Actually, the Zapatistas, who inspired so much of the movement, could
&gt; themselves be considered a precedent here as well. They are about the
&gt; least violent "army" one can imagine (it is something of an open secret
&gt; that, for the last five years at least, they have not even been
&gt; carrying real guns). These new tactics are perfectly in accord with the
&gt; general anarchistic inspiration of the movement, which is less about
&gt; seizing state power than about exposing, delegitimizing and dismantling
&gt; mechanisms of rule while winning ever-larger spaces of autonomy from
&gt; it. The critical thing, though, is that all this is only possible in a
&gt; general atmosphere of peace. In fact, it seems to me that these are the
&gt; ultimate stakes of struggle at the moment: a moment that may well
&gt; determine the overall direction of the 21st century.
&gt;
&gt; It is hard to remember now that (as Eric Hobsbawm reminds us) during
&gt; the late-19th century, anarchism was the core of the revolutionary left
&gt; óthis was a time when most Marxist parties were rapidly becoming
&gt; reformist social democrats. This stituation only really changed with
&gt; World War I, and of course the Russian revolution. It was the success
&gt; of the latter, we are usually told, that led to the decline of
&gt; anarchism and catapulted Communism everywhere to the fore. But it seems
&gt; to me one could look at this another way. In the late-19th century
&gt; people honestly believed that war had been made obsolete between
&gt; industrialized powers; colonial adventures were a constant, but a war
&gt; between France and England on French or English soil seemed as
&gt; unthinkable as it would today. By 1900, even the use of passports was
&gt; considered an antiquated barbarism.
&gt;
&gt; The 20th century (which appears to have begun in 1914 and ended
&gt; sometime around 1989 or '91) was by contrast the most violent in human
&gt; history. It was a century almost entirely preoccupied with either
&gt; waging world wars or preparing for them. Hardly surprising, then, as
&gt; the ultimate measure of political effectiveness became the ability to
&gt; create and maintain huge mechanized killing machines, that anarchism
&gt; quickly came to seem irrelevant. This is, after all, the one thing that
&gt; anarchists can never, by definition, be very good at. Neither is it
&gt; surprising that Marxism (whose parties were already organized on a
&gt; command structure, and for whom the organization of huge mechanized
&gt; killing machines often proved the only thing they were particularly
&gt; good at) seemed eminently practical and realistic in comparison. And
&gt; could it really be a coincidence that the moment the cold war ended and
&gt; war between industrialized powers once again seemed unimaginable,
&gt; anarchism popped right back to where it had been at the end of the 19th
&gt; century, as an international movement at the very center of the
&gt; revolutionary left?
&gt;
&gt; If so, it becomes more clear what the ultimate stakes of the current
&gt; "anti-terrorist" mobilization are. In the short run, things look very
&gt; frightening for a movement that governments were desperately calling
&gt; terrorist even before September 11. There is little doubt that a lot of
&gt; good people are about to suffer terrible repression. But in the long
&gt; run, a return to 20th-century levels of violence is simply impossible.
&gt; The spread of nuclear weapons alone will ensure that larger and larger
&gt; portions of the globe are simply off-limits to conventional warfare.
&gt; And if war is the health of the state, the prospects for
&gt; anarchist-style organizing can only be improving.
&gt;
&gt; I can't remember how many articles I've read in the left press
&gt; asserting that the globalization movement, while tactically brilliant,
&gt; has no central theme or coherent ideology. These complaints seem to be
&gt; the left-wing equivalent of the incessant claims in the corporate media
&gt; that this is a movement made up of dumb kids touting a bundle of
&gt; completely unrelated causes. Even worse are the claimsówhich one sees
&gt; surprisingly frequently in the work of academic social theorists who
&gt; should know better, like Hardt and Negri, or Slavoj Zizekóthat the
&gt; movement is plagued by a generic opposition, rooted in bourgeois
&gt; individualism, to all forms of structure or organization. It's
&gt; distressing that, two years after Seattle, I should even have to write
&gt; this, but someone obviously should: in North America especially, this
&gt; is a movement about reinventing democracy. It is not opposed to
&gt; organization; it is about creating new forms of organization. It is not
&gt; lacking in ideology; those new forms of organization are its ideology.
&gt; It is a movement about creating and enacting horizontal networks
&gt; instead of top-down (especially, state-like, corporate or party)
&gt; structures, networks based on principles of decentralized,
&gt; nonhierarchical consensus democracy.
&gt;
&gt; Over the past 10 years in particular, activists in North America have
&gt; been putting enormous creative energy into reinventing their groups'
&gt; own internal processes to create a viable model of what functioning
&gt; direct democracy could look like, drawing particularly, as I've noted,
&gt; on examples from outside the Western tradition. The result is a rich
&gt; and growing panoply of organizational forms and instrumentsóaffinity
&gt; groups, spokescouncils, facilitation tools, break-outs, fishbowls,
&gt; blocking concerns, vibes-watchers and so onóall aimed at creating forms
&gt; of democratic process that allow initiatives to rise from below and
&gt; attain maximum effective solidarity without stifling dissenting voices,
&gt; creating leadership positions or compelling people to do anything to
&gt; which they have not freely consented. It is very much a work in
&gt; progress, and creating a culture of democracy among people who have
&gt; little experience of such things is necessarily a painful and uneven
&gt; business, butó as almost any police chief who has faced protestors on
&gt; the streets can attestódirect democracy of this sort can be remarkably
&gt; effective.
&gt;
&gt; Here I want to stress the relation of theory and practice this
&gt; organizational model entails. Perhaps the best way to start thinking
&gt; about groups like the Direct Action Network (which I've been working
&gt; with for the past two years) is to see it as the diametrical opposite
&gt; of the kind of sectarian Marxist group that has so long characterized
&gt; the revolutionary left. Where the latter puts its emphasis on achieving
&gt; a complete and correct theoretical analysis, demands ideological
&gt; uniformity and juxtaposes a vision of an egalitarian future with
&gt; extremely authoritarian forms of organization in the present, DAN
&gt; openly seeks diversity: its motto might as well be, "if you are willing
&gt; to act like an anarchist in the present, your long-term vision is
&gt; pretty much your own business." Its ideology, then, is immanent in the
&gt; antiauthoritarian principles that underlie its practice, and one of its
&gt; more explicit principles is that things should stay that way.
&gt;
&gt; There is indeed something very new here, and something potentially
&gt; extremely important. Consensus processóin which one of the basic rules
&gt; is that one always treats others' arguments as fundamentally reasonable
&gt; and principled, whatever one thinks about the person making itóin
&gt; particular creates an extremely different style of debate and argument
&gt; than the sort encouraged by majority voting, one in which the
&gt; incentives are all towards compromise and creative synthesis rather
&gt; than polarization, reduction and treating minor points of difference
&gt; like philosophical ruptures. I need hardly point out how much our
&gt; accustomed modes of academic discourse resemble the latteróor even
&gt; more, perhaps, the kind of sectarian reasoning that leads to endless
&gt; splits and fragmentation, which the ìnew new leftî (as it is sometimes
&gt; called) has so far managed almost completely to avoid. It seems to me
&gt; that in many ways the activists are way ahead of the theorists here,
&gt; and that the most challenging problem for us will be to create forms of
&gt; intellectual practice more in tune with newly emerging forms of
&gt; democratic practice, rather than with the tiresome sectarian logic
&gt; those groups have finally managed to set aside.
&gt;
&gt;
&gt;
&gt;
&gt; =====
&gt; .                            the
&gt; .                     [|=-=prisoner=-=|]
&gt; .     Free Radio Austin 97.1 http://pirateradio.org/fra
&gt; . Austin Independent Media Center: http://austin.indymedia.org
&gt; --
&gt;
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Afghans to hold talks with peace envoy 

By Jack Redden

A delegation of RAWA met Mr. Brahmi and his team in Islamabad. RAWA photo

ISLAMABAD (Reuters) - U.N. Afghan envoy Lakhdar Brahimi will hold talks today with Afghans arriving from inside the battered country to discuss replacing the Taliban leaders. 

"He will be meeting with Afghans from inside Afghanistan," said U.N. spokesman Eric Falt on Thursday. "We cannot disclose who for obvious reasons." 

Falt said Brahimi also would meet representatives of RAWA, the Revolutionary Afghan Women's Association, a group of Afghan women who have opposed human rights abuses by all military groups in the battered country. 

RAWA has gained fame for sending women on daring missions into the country, photographing Taliban abuses to publicise them to the rest of the world. Pictures of public executions have come almost exclusively from RAWA, which defies the official ban on photography. 

Brahimi had met women working for other non-governmental humanitarian organisations on Wednesday who complained they face abuse under the Taliban. 

.... 





From: http://www.reuters.co.uk 
And http://abcnews.go.com 


------------------------------------------------------------------------
[Home] [RAWA in Media] 
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              <text>IN THIS MESSAGE: The Liberty for US War Criminals Act; Pakistan Panics Over Threat to Arsenal; The War We Cannot Win; War on Terror Becomes War on Afghanistan
http://www.ahram.org.eg/weekly/2001/558/4war1.htm
Al-Ahram Weekly Online        Issue No.558              1 - 7 November 2001
Alienable Rights
     The American Service-members Protection Act (ASPA) authorises 
     the US to use force to "liberate" any US or allied persons detained on 
     behalf of the proposed International Criminal Court (ICC), which will
be 
     based in The Hague, Netherlands.
     By Amira Howeidy 
 We all knew it was coming. Last Friday, US President George W Bush signed
an anti-terrorism bill that proposes sweeping new powers for the FBI,
extending the agency's ability to search citizens, wire-tap telephone lines
and eavesdrop on the Internet. The period of detention allowed for a foreign
citizen suspected of terrorist activities has also be increased. The bill --
which has raised concerns over the meaning of civil liberties in the post 11
September age -- came as no surprise to rights advocates in the US and
elsewhere. 
The US-led alliance's "war on terrorism," now in the fourth week of its
offensive against Afghanistan, bypassed internationally-recognised channels
of legitimacy such as the United Nations and its Security Council. The
result: hundreds or perhaps thousands of Afghan civilians may have been
killed (no accurate numbers have been released because the Pentagon says it
still doesn't know). But the "war on terror" has meant more than the loss of
innocent lives: it has included a myriad of other measures. The blocking of
information and images from the war in Afghanistan from reaching the
American public, for example. There has also been widespread discrimination
against Arabs (and other people of Middle Eastern appearance) both by
officials (at Western airports and airlines) and by the Western public.
Approximately 900 "suspects" -- most of whom are Arabs-- have been arrested
in relation to the 11 September attacks. In the struggle against "terror,"
several laws have been bypassed, leading to what civil liberties advocates
have described as a serious threat to human rights. 
The media debate on the choice between "freedom" and "security" -- which is
raging in Germany and elsewhere -- reflects the chilling options now facing
Western societies. But has the choice been made already? 
FBI and Justice Department investigators, frustrated by their failure to
extract confessions from four suspects, are contemplating resorting to
"pressure" according to a report in the Washington Post on 21 October. Among
the alternative strategies under discussion are extracting information using
drugs or other pressure tactics, such as those occasionally employed by
Israeli interrogators, according to the article. Another idea is to
extradite suspected terrorists to US-allied countries in which security
services can employ threats to family members or resort to torture. And last
Sunday, the same newspaper reported that the CIA is contemplating pursuing
an assassination policy of individuals -- a policy that could extend beyond
Bin Laden and members of Al-Qa'ida. 
Meanwhile, the US State Department -- taking advantage of the frenzy and
confusion that followed the terrorist acts -- endorsed the American
Service-members Protection Act (ASPA) on November 5. The legislation
authorises the US to use force to "liberate" any US or allied persons
detained on behalf of the proposed International Criminal Court (ICC), which
will be based in The Hague, Netherlands. It also prohibits US military
assistance to those states that ratify the ICC treaty except for NATO
members and some major non-NATO allies. 
The New York based Human Rights Watch described the new law as an attempt to
undermine the establishment of a permanent war crimes court. "The United
States is forging a global coalition against terrorism, and the State
Department has just endorsed a bill that authorises an invasion of the
Netherlands," said Richard Dicker, director of the International Justice
Programme at HRW. "This makes no sense. It hardly seems like a good moment
for the US to be threatening sanctions against dozens of countries simply
because they want to bring to justice the perpetrators of crimes against
humanity." 
For many, it is difficult to find any sense in this new reality. The US
Coalition's use of force, for example, appears to be contrary to established
international law. 
This is the case according to William Schabas, director of the Irish Centre
for Human Rights. "The use of force is prohibited by the United Nations
Charter (art. 2 (4)), except in two circumstances: self defence (art. 51)
and Security Council action under Chapter VII (art. 42)," says Schabas. "It
does not allow the use of force for the purpose of "retaliation." Schabas
told Al- Ahram Weekly that "the US-led alliance seems to find support for
its action by invoking the right of self-defence rather than the right to
retaliate. This is a broad and exaggerated interpretation of the right of
self-defence." 
Normally, he argued, a person (or a state) acting in genuine self-defence is
very clear in explaining and justifying its behaviour on this basis. "But
the US and UK, with their talk of retaliation, reprisal, 'bringing
terrorists to justice' and so on, invoke grounds that are not really
compatible with the concept of self-defence." 
Schabas acknowledged that the US does enjoy self-defence rights but pointed
out that its actions must be conditioned by "proportionality" and by what is
necessary to protect itself from attack. In his words, "the US seems to be
taking a view that in the name of the war on terrorism it has the right to
attack (or 'counterattack') any country it suspects of being insufficiently
unsympathetic to terrorism. In effect, this is the legal window dressing of
the pax Americana, a justification to attack any country that the US doesn't
like, and at any time." To Schabas, one of the unfortunate consequences of
all of this is the "marginalisation of the United Nations, which should in
fact be taking the lead according to its noble role under the UN Charter." 
Perhaps it was with this super-power mentality in mind that the US Congress
adopted the anti- terrorism bill. According to the American Civil Liberties
Union Freedom Network (ACLU), "the bill was adopted in near record time with
only one public hearing and little debate." 
"All this will have terrible repercussions," was the response of
International Law Professor Kamal Abul-Magd. "If the law doesn't give you
protection, you are more likely to take the law in your hands." 
To observers in the Middle East, the new US laws seem to be a glaring
paradox. In this part of the world, the anti-terrorism bill sounded like
all- too-familiar a tune. "It's almost identical to the 'emergency laws'
faithfully adopted by Third World regimes," says Dawoud Al-Shoryan, a
columnist for the London-based Arabic daily Al- Hayat. For many years, the
US State Department's Human Rights desk has itself issued annual reports
clearly condemning such governments and their "freedom tying" policies,
human rights abuses and violations in the name of the emergency law. To
El-Shoryan and many others, it seems like the US is now taking such
"backward regimes" as their role model. He expressed fear that the American
"emergency law" will eventually "become an incubator that will lead to
similar laws being issued in several other countries, if Washington seeks to
extend its application within its anti-terrorism coalition." 
It may not be all doom and gloom, however. After all, says Rights Activist
Gasser Abdel- Razek, a stronger global movement seems to be emerging as a
result of the September 11 attacks. "It will take different forms,
understandably, such as anti-war, human rights, environmental, and
anti-globalisation," said Abdel-Razek. "But it will definitely be more
critical of Western (that is, US) hegemony, even if its supporters don't
call it that." 
====================================================
The Sunday Times (London)                                November 4, 2001 
Pakistan panics over threat to arsenal
     By Tony Allen-Mills Washington
Fears of fundamentalist upheaval in Pakistan have aroused concerns in
Washington that part or all of Islamabad's arsenal of nuclear weapons may
have to be moved to China for safekeeping from foreign attack.
Pakistan's military establishment was said last week to have been shaken by
reports that America, India or Israel might be planning pre-emptive strikes
on nuclear sites to prevent weapons falling into fundamentalist hands. "The
generals are panic-stricken," said one Pakistani source.
The threat to weapons widely regarded as the Pakistan military's "crown
jewels" has forced Islamabad to consider what one American expert described
as the "ultimate worst-case scenario" of removing warheads to China,
Pakistan's closest strategic ally in the region. The prospect that loose
warheads might be loaded onto helicopters or moved around a region foaming
with fundamentalist turmoil is adding to fears in Washington that the war in
Afghanistan might provoke a nuclear crisis.
Abdul Sattar, the Pakistani foreign minister, insisted last week the arsenal
was secure. But Washington officials have expressed mounting alarm that any
coup attempt against General Pervez Musharraf, the military president, might
put Pakistan's nuclear arsenal at risk.
Pakistani generals were appalled by one authoritative American report last
week that an elite Pentagon undercover unit, trained to disarm nuclear
weapons, was exploring plans for a mission inside Pakistan. "Every paranoid
fear they have had over the past 20 years about people coming to get our
missiles is suddenly coming to the fore," said Zia Mian, a Pakistani
physicist and authority on the nuclear programme.
China's nuclear relations with Pakistan have long been the focus of
controversy. Chinese scientists are believed to have played a key role in
developing Pakistan's nuclear programme in the early 1980s. The two
countries share a mistrust of India, which has also developed nuclear
weapons.
In the 1990s relations between Beijing and Washington were strained when
American officials discovered that China had supplied Islamabad with
magnetic components for a centrifuge used in enriching uranium, a material
used in warheads. US experts believe that Pakistan possesses between 30 and
50 warheads. Islamabad has also developed facilities for making
weapons-grade plutonium.
The precise locations of Pakistan's nuclear weapons are highly secret.
Several Washington sources said last week that senior Pakistani officers had
been forced to consider a range of scenarios, from thefts of weapon
materials to US bombing raids on nuclear facilities. The arrest in Pakistan
of three nuclear scientists with alleged Taliban sympathies heightened
concern that bomb-making secrets may have leaked to Afghanistan.
But even under extreme duress, several US sources said, many elements of the
Pakistani military would resist surrendering custody of their warheads to
China.
The risks of any deal with China are obvious. China is certain to be deeply
wary of being linked to fundamentalist conflict. Yet American experts
believe that Beijing represents the only haven that Pakistan would dare to
trust.
In a bid to defuse concern, US officials are understood to have offered
Pakistan high-tech assistance to improve the security of missile vaults and
update both command and control communications, and the multiple-code
custody arrangements that theoretically prevent rogue missile launches.
The issue was discussed by General Colin Powell, the US secretary of state,
during his recent visit to Pakistan. A State Department official said last
week Washington was "confident that Pakistan is taking steps to assure the
safety of these (nuclear) assets".
But other American sources said Pakistan was reluctant to accept US
technology for fear that it might be bugged by the CIA in order to establish
the whereabouts of warheads.
The threat that Osama Bin Laden may acquire nuclear bomb-making materials is
weighing heavily on American officials.
"Nobody in the Bush administration wants to be held responsible if Al-Qaeda
gets a nuke," said George Perkovich, an Asian nuclear programme expert, who
has urged the State Department to include China in talks on Pakistan's
nuclear problems. "They are working their asses off on this," he said. 
=======================================================
http://www.msnbc.com/news/652509.asp#BODY
November 5, 2001
Priority: Pakistan's Nukes
     If Taliban sympathizers overthrow Pervez Musharraf's regime, 
     U.S. Marines are standing by to move in
     By John Barry, Newsweek International
Nov. 12 issue - The 2,200 troops of the 15th Marine Expeditionary Unit are
cooped up on the assault ship USS Peleliu, presumably itching for action. If
they ever go ashore, it's as likely to be in Pakistan as Afghanistan. Given
serious trouble in Pakistan - if, say, President Pervez Musharraf were
overthrown by forces friendly to the Taliban and Osama bin Laden - the
Marines would be charged with protecting and evacuating Americans and other
Westerners. But sources have told Newsweek the Marines could also be sent on
a more momentous and desperate mission: safeguarding Pakistanís nuclear
weapons and materials, to keep them away from bin Laden.
Whether the Marines would actually be needed for such a task, and whether
they could pull it off, remains unclear. Sources say Musharraf has
strengthened security at Pakistanís nuclear facilities since September 11.
Last week his foreign minister, Abdul Sattar, insisted the nukes were "under
foolproof custodial controls." Musharraf also has purged Taliban
sympathizers from the top ranks of the military and his intelligence agency.
But recently the military regime had to detain two scientists who played key
roles in the development of Pakistan's nuclear weapons - and turned out to
be Taliban supporters. The two men, Bashir ud Din Mahmoud and Chowdhury
Mohammed Amjad, retired after Pakistan's nuclear test in 1998 and founded an
Afghan relief organization. What they could offer bin Laden, in theory, is
inside knowledge of the Pakistani nuclear program - security procedures, the
number and location of warheads and the names of current staff members who
might be sympathetic to Al Qaeda.
By one estimate, Pakistan has enough nuclear material to make 30 to 50 bombs
or warheads. How many have actually been made isn't known, but even
unassembled parts could be dangerous. A "radiological weapon" - a
conventional explosive device used to scatter radioactive particles - would
be nearly as devastating as an actual nuclear bomb, producing fallout that
could render an American city uninhabitable for years. The material could
come from a weapons program or a civilian facility, such as a nuclear power
plant. Pakistan's nuclear weapons are dispersed across several secret
locations, and some elements of the armed forces surely would resist any
attempt by foreigners to take control of them. But if it comes to that, a
shootout with Pakistan might be preferable to nuclear terrorism in the
United States.
With Tony Clifton, Ron Moreau and Zahid Hussain in Islamabad 
=======================================================
Dear EmailNation Subscriber,
An internationally acclaimed author of eighteen novels, John LeCarre is
also an astute political observer. In an exclusive essay published in the
November 19, 2001 issue of The Nation, LeCarre insists that the US's
current war on terrorism, rather than vanquishing the terrorist threat, is
in fact likely to increase it.
As he writes, "What America is storing up for herself...is yet more
enemies; because after all the bribes, threats and promises that have
patched together the rickety coalition, we cannot prevent another suicide
bomber being born each time a misdirected missile wipes out an innocent
village, and nobody can tell us how to dodge this devil's cycle of
despair, hatred and -- yet again -- revenge."
This essay is available in its entirety for a limited time only at:
http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20011119&amp;s=lecarre
SEPTEMBER 11 RESOURCES
We've also created a special page on The Nation website, where we're
collecting all of our September 11 material, including web articles,
links, activist info, a regularly updated section of media resources, a
section on Islam and remarks on what patriotism is and ought to be. All
available at:
http://www.thenation.com/special/wtc/index.mhtml
And please remember that you can email any article on The Nation website
to friends, family and foes using the Email-To-A-Friend feature found by
clicking on the "email" link in the box adjoining each published article.
Best Regards, 
Peter Rothberg, Associate Publisher 
P.S. If you like what you read on The Nation website and you're not
currently a subscriber to the magazine, please consider taking advantage
of our special EmailNation offer -- only $35.97 for 47 weekly issues.
You'll be able to read ALL of what appears in The Nation and you'll help
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================================================
Published on Saturday, November 3, 2001 in the International Herald Tribune 
The War on Terror Turns Into War on Afghanistan 
by William Pfaff
PARIS -- What set out to be an American war on terrorism has become a war against Afghanistan. The substitution of Afghanistan for terrorism, or the identification of the one with the other, is not only unjust but diverts U.S. policy from where it was intended to go, to where it is the most simple to go. Afghanistan has been substituted for terrorism because Afghanistan is accessible to military power, and terrorism is not. The employment of high-tech munitions against irrelevant targets is a distraction from measures that actually deal with the threat. "War" is feasible against Qaida, the clandestine association of like-minded Muslim fundamentalists led by Osama bin Laden, because it is a matter of police and intelligence work. Remarkable progress has been made during the last four weeks, thanks to unprecedented international cooperation. However, Qaida is not identical with terrorism. Nor is bin Laden himself, even though Washington has cast him as the personification of evil. Terrorism is simply a form of violent political action, with political motives and objectives, and it is a recurrent phenomenon in history. Washington's inability to track down and seize or kill bin Laden is why the Taliban government has been substituted as America's enemy. The Kabul government's defiance is in turn responsible for the situation of frustration in which the United States finds itself, and which threatens to prove a damaging setback in more than one respect. Fear of American air attacks have provoked a huge exodus of refugees from Afghanistan. The country is already suffering the consequences of a drought that has crippled its agriculture. The attacks themselves have made it all but impossible for relief agencies to go into the country. Misdirected bombings that have twice hit International Red Cross relief depots add to the misery the United States is inflicting upon these people, and for which international opinion holds it responsible. The utility of the bombings is hard to defend. It was believed able to bring down the Taliban government, but that is not happening. There is no reason whatever to expect more bombs to make the Taliban authorities hand over bin Laden. The administration itself lacks confidence that an eventual ground expedition will seize him; Afghanistan is not Panama. The original plan depended less on bombing than on organization of the existing military and political opposition; cutting off the support Pakistan was giving to the regime; and enlistment of the country's other neighbors, including Iran, all with ethnic or religious clients inside Afghanistan. The authority of the former king and the United Nations was to underwrite a new coalition government. This plan has suffered a series of setbacks, and official Washington is rapidly losing interest in political solutions. There is an increasing disposition toward brute force, and the use of whatever allies are at hand, even if that threatens to leave Afghanistan in chaos, and the war on terrorism stranded. One might think it sensible to change a policy that is failing, but that is not the case in a government whose primordial motivation is to appease Congress and the media. Although bin Laden has not been found, operations against Qaida seem to be going well. An extensive apparatus for tracking terrorist communications, organizations and funding is being put into place. The United States and its allies could take advantage of these successes, and of the arrival of Ramadan and Afghanistan's harsh winter to suspend the bombings. The situation in Afghanistan and among Washington's Muslim allies could be allowed to evolve over the winter months. The result might prove constructive. Washington might take the time to reflect on its responsibility, which is to deal intelligently with the terrorist threat to the United States. Bin Laden and his group are merely instances of that threat. If he is killed, he will be replaced. The causes of terrorism will remain, and they are political. Afghanistan and its people are no threat to the United States, but they are th
e ones taking the full weight of America's indignation. The administration's priorities are upside-down. Los Angeles Times Syndicate. 
Copyright © 2001 the International Herald Tribune 
###

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note: Also implicated in supporting the Indonesian radical Muslim group
Laskar Jihad is the Indonesian security forces, notably in attacks on
Christian residents of the Maluccan islands.  In the "politicians do the
darndest things" category, the Bush administration plans to globalize its
"war against terrorism" by resuming arms sales and training for this same
Indonesian military (which itself could easily be considered a terrorist
organization, by any honest definition of the term).
____________________________________________
East Timor Action Network field organizer   ETAN field office
Social Justice Center
office 608-663-5431                         1202 Williamson St
cell 608-347-4598                           Madison, WI 53703
home 608-255-4598                           fax 608-227-0141

Check out these internet sites!
the East Timor Action Network/US      http://www.etan.org
Madison, WI - East Timor projects     http://www.aideasttimor.org
Madison's Social Justice Center       http://www.socialjusticecenter.org

"We struggled for more than 24 years for independence. We've learned the
lesson that even small people have a voice."
    -East Timorese leader Mari Alkatiri, during the August 30, 2001
Constituent Assembly vote

----------
excerpt: Most worrisome to the U.S. is Indonesia. Bush administration
officials say they believe Indonesia's most militant fundamentalist
Islamic group, Laskar Jihad, has ties to Taliban fighters. Investigators
are studying reports that some of the missing Indonesian fighters
who trained in Afghanistan may have ended up with the group.

The Wall Street Journal
October 26, 2001

Past Catches Up to Southeast Asia
Amid Search for Terrorist Groups

Southeast Asia has been fertile ground for terrorist operations in
	he past, and the region is still under pressure from Islamic groups
and can't be seen as too malleable to American demands.

By HELENE COOPER
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

WASHINGTON -- Three years ago, 1,500 young Indonesian men thought to be
involved in their country's fight to keep East Timor went to Afghanistan to
train with Taliban fighters, U.S. officials say; they also believe all 1,500
returned home. But today, U.S. officials say they only know the whereabouts
of 1,000 of them.

An Indonesian government official wouldn't confirm or deny that any of its
citizens sought training in Afghanistan. Instead, he said Thursday that
"intelligence cooperation between Indonesia and the U.S. has taken place to
address" concerns about any such trainees. But American officials are far
less circumspect. "There's a time bomb of 500 young people in Indonesia,"
says one U.S. official, "and that really concerns the American government."

As U.S. jets bomb Taliban targets in Afghanistan, senior Bush administration
officials are turning their attention to other fronts in America's war on
terrorism. Increasingly, Southeast Asia, home to some of the world's largest
Muslim populations, is climbing up the priority list of potential trouble
spots.

For the Bush administration, this presents a two-fold problem in Malaysia
and
Indonesia, whose populations are majority Muslim, and the Philippines, which
is predominantly Catholic but has a small Muslim population fueling a
separatist movement on its southern islands. All three countries are led by
secular governments that the U.S. doesn't want to undermine. All three also
are under pressure from Islamic groups and can't be seen as too malleable to
American demands.

But in the past, Southeast Asia has been fertile ground -- and at times a
launch pad -- for terrorist operations. In 1995, police in the Philippines
uncovered a plot to crash an airplane into the Central Intelligence Agency's
Langley, Va., headquarters. During the Persian Gulf War, Iraqi agents
allegedly tried to blow up the U.S. ambassador's residence in Indonesia,
which has the world's largest Muslim population. And an Islamic separatist
group based in the southern Philippines this year expanded its profitable
kidnapping operations to Malaysia, the U.S. Department of State reported in
its most recent terrorism report.


That leaves White House officials walking a tightrope. The administration
wants to pressure Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines to crack down on
terrorist cells operating inside their borders. But U.S. officials also are
wary of stirring up anti-American sentiment in countries whose Muslim
populations have long existed peaceably alongside other religious groups.

The dilemma for President Bush was highlighted at last week's summit among
Asian-Pacific nations in Shanghai, China. Mr. Bush was mostly successful in
his efforts to get a strong statement from the Pacific Rim leaders: The
communique issued at the end of the weekend meeting "unequivocally"
condemned
the Sept. 11 attacks as "murderous deeds," and denounced terrorism "in all
forms and manifestations."

But largely because of pressure from Malaysia and Indonesia, the statement
was noticeably silent on two major points. It made no mention of Osama bin
Laden. And it didn't endorse the U.S.-led military strikes in Afghanistan.

Both Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri and Malaysian Prime Minister
Mahathir Mohamad are struggling with the dilemma of how to crack down on the
rise of militant Islamists without alienating the rest of their
mostly-Muslim
populations. U.S. officials acknowledge they have to tiptoe around those
concerns when seeking help in their campaign against terrorism.

Asian Anxiety

Some of the militant Islamic groups based in East Asia

The Philippines

Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), operating in the southern Philippines, is a radical
Islamic separatist group with as many as 2,000 members. It has engaged in
bombings, kidnapping and extortion.

Alex Bonyacayo Brigade (ABB) is an offshoot of the Communist Party of the
Philippines National PeopleÕs Army. It has about 500 members, and has been
involved in more than 100 murders and various attacks on foreign businesses.
Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) is the largest Islamist separatist
group
remaining in the Philippines. Philippine officials have accused it of
several
bombings, including two at shopping malls and five in Manila on Dec. 30.
Indonesia

Laskar Jihad -- This organization, with membership in the thousands, fights
in a sectarian conflict that has left thousands of people dead in eastern
Indonesia.
Malaysia

Al-Ma'unah -- This Malaysian Islamic sect last year raided two military
armories and took four hostages, killing two.
Sources: U.S. Department of State Patterns of Global Terrorism 2000; WSJ
research
"We respect that a country like Malaysia has internal challenges and
tensions
it must deal with," U.S. Trade Rep. Robert Zoellick said after meeting Mr.
Mahathir in China last week.

Administration officials believe they may have more maneuvering room with
Indonesia. President Megawati, who recently took over leadership of a
country
devastated by internal conflict, needs U.S. aid. During a visit to
Washington
last month she requested American economic assistance in the form of loans
and other aid, while condemning the terrorist attacks and expressing
cautious
support for measures against terrorism.


U.S. officials are considering offering her more military, economic and
political support as a carrot to crack down on Islamic militants. But there
again, it is a tough call, Bush officials say. Many Congressional leaders
don't like the idea of bolstering the Indonesian military, which has been
criticized by human-rights groups.

About 85% of Indonesia's 210 million people follow Islam. Two-thirds of
Malaysia's 23 million people are Muslim. Just 3% of the Philippines' 83
million people are Muslim, but they have fought a separatist insurrection
for
years. Thailand also has a restive Muslim minority.

Even before Sept. 11, U.S. officials were fretting about the rise of Muslim
militancy in Southeast Asia, and in particular, about links there to Osama
bin Laden's al Qaeda network. In the Philippines, Mr. bin Laden's
brother-in-law, Saudi businessman Mohamed Jamal Khalifa, helped found Abu
Sayyaf, an al Qaeda offshoot believed to be responsible for a rash of
kidnappings and murders, investigators say. Abu Sayyaf claims it is seeking
an independent Muslim state in the Philippines, but the Filipino government
characterizes the group as a gang of bandits that specializes in kidnappings
and piracy. Among other crimes, the group claimed to have beheaded an
American hostage whose remains were found on Basilan Island this month.

Earlier this week, five U.S. military advisers arrived in Zamboanga, in the
southern Philippines, joining about 25 U.S. troops who arrived last week to
train Philippine forces fighting Abu Sayyaf.

U.S. officials believe Abu Sayyaf is the key to al Qaeda links in Southeast
Asia. Indeed, in Malaysia, Abu Sayyaf last year kidnapped 21 people,
including 10 foreign tourists, from a diving resort, State Department
officials say.

Most worrisome to the U.S. is Indonesia. Bush administration officials say
they believe Indonesia's most militant fundamentalist Islamic group, Laskar
Jihad, has ties to Taliban fighters. Investigators are studying reports that
some of the missing Indonesian fighters who trained in Afghanistan may have
ended up with the group. Laskar Jihad officials deny they have any links to
Osama bin Laden, but confirm that the group's founder, Ja'far Umar Thalib,
fought in Afghanistan and met Mr. bin Laden. In addition, Laskar Jihad
leaders say they have "trainers" with Afghan fighting experience.

Not everyone in the administration views Indonesia as a threat. Indeed, one
U.S. official played down the worries about the unaccounted-for fighters.
Likewise, W. Scott Thompson, director of the Southeast Asia studies program
at Tufts University in Boston, says it shouldn't be assumed that U.S.
officials' inability to locate 500 men means they all joined terrorist
groups.

"It's not as if 500 missing men have gone and hidden on a mountain. [It's]
probably more like 50 that we need to worry about, while the rest went and
got jobs with the Ford Foundation," he said.

Chris Dagg, a Southeast Asia specialist at Simon Fraser University in
Burnaby, Canada, also plays down terrorism fears in Indonesia. "The groups
in
Indonesia are pretty homegrown, and fairly internal-looking," he said. "I'd

be surprised if they were [recipients of] international terrorist support."

Even so, Mr. Thompson says the U.S. rates Indonesia at "a level 6" out of 10
as a source of anxiety. "This is a big country," he explains, "and it's
falling apart."

-- Jay Solomon contributed to this article.


Far Eastern Economic Review
Issue cover-dated November 1, 2001

Intelligence

Aceh Marijuana Funds Bin Laden

The United States believes associates of Osama bin Laden have been raising
money for the wanted Saudi millionaire from the thriving marijuana trade in
Indonesia's troubled Aceh province. But when the then U.S. ambassador,
Robert Gelbard, approached Indonesian intelligence agencies and former
President Abdurrahman Wahid a year ago with evidence, he was largely
ignored. Former Attorney General Marzuki Darusman says Gelbard told him that
the military intelligence agency had accepted his offer of a briefing, but
that the civilian State Intelligence Agency turned down his offer without
explanation. The ambassador also raised the issue with Wahid, but Darusman
says the president was distracted by efforts to find a solution to Aceh's
worsening separatist rebellion. Bin Laden's alleged involvement in the
marijuana trade was never made public, but Gelbard did insist on several
occasions, long before the September 11 attacks in New York and Washington,
that bin Laden's network maintained a small, apparently dormant cell in
Indonesia.
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http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-000085915oct28.story

On Campus and Off, Antiwar Movements See New Vigor
Reaction: Opposition to military action builds with a more polite,
thoughtful
approach than in days of Vietnam.

By ELIZABETH MEHREN
TIMES STAFF WRITER

October 28 2001

AMHERST, Mass. -- As never before, their dance cards are full.

Scholars of peace and diplomacy say that with little effort--and no
exaggeration--they could schedule three speaking engagements per night.
Elder
statesmen of this country's antiwar movement report a similar surge in
demand
since the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks. Academics who study terrorism or the
Middle East are taking part in teach-ins that generally are packed.

Off campus, the voices of nonviolence are heard in such places as Worcester,
a
working-class city where a weekly vigil during rush hour draws cheers from
passersby. And in Northampton, where a draft counseling center has
opened--even
though, at the moment, there is no military draft. Any organized campaign to
oppose U.S. military force in Afghanistan "is still in the process of taking
shape," said Joseph Gerson of the American Friends Service Committee in
Cambridge. But, he said, momentum is building.

"It's big and it's diverse," Gerson said. "I think it can be described as a
peace movement and an antiwar movement and a justice movement."

The energy is evident in increased traffic on the Internet, where new peace
sites are complementing existing sources of information about the
war. But   along with the vast virtual audience, actual crowds are
growing. In longtime centers of peace activity such as Berkeley and
Madison, Wis., large demonstrations began before the first bombs were
dropped.

But New England, long a focal point for activism, is where much of the
antiwar
action is unfolding.

The new pacifism feels almost polite, lacking the stridence of earlier
generations of American protest. Resistance to the U.S. military involvement
in
Afghanistan is thoughtful, reflective. It is tempered by angst, anguish--and
most of all, a fundamental abhorrence of what happened to this country when
hijackers commandeered four jetliners and killed more than 5,000 people.

The focus still is diffuse; there is no monolithic chorus of dissent. No
charismatic leaders have yet stepped forward. And if there is a single
defining
trait, at present it is a thirst for information.

With foundations in the vast and growing antiglobalization campaign, the
evolving peace movement draws on long-standing, traditional organizations
and
philosophies. Days after Sept. 11, Quaker groups organized the first peace
rallies. The War Resisters League, the Fellowship of Reconciliation and
other
old-time pacifist groups are back on the radarscope. Again and again, a
well-worn chestnut from Mahatma Ghandi--"an eye for an eye leaves the whole
world blind"--shows up on handouts and bulletin boards.

"I'm seeing a lot less of the knee-jerk kind of stuff," said Stephen Zunes,
a
Middle Eastern specialist who directs the peace and justice studies program
at
the University of San Francisco. "People are concerned, and they
oppose the war.

But they realize this is a different kind of situation. They need the facts.
They want more information."

A recent two-day speaking swing took Zunes from the Bay Area to Los Angeles
to
Eugene, Ore. His audiences were "big and enthused and agitated, but I
think in  more reflective, responsible way than we have seen
sometimes."

"Certainly there is passion out there, but it is a responsible
passion--one that has been tempered by the fact that we witnessed
this enormous tragedy on Sept. 11."

Boston University history professor Howard Zinn said he has been "besieged"
by
invitations to speak about terrorism and the war in Afghanistan, with "more
requests than I could possibly deal with." At 79, Zinn approaches the
stepped-up demand as an eminence grise of the antiwar movement and as
a bombardier from World War II.

What he sees, Zinn said, is a massive appetite for information and a
resistance
effort that is fast churning into action.

"Things are starting earlier now than they did with the Vietnam War,"
Zinn said.

"In the spring of 1965, we had 100 people on the Boston Common. Just a week
or
so ago, we had 2,000 people at Copley Square. It's starting earlier, and I
believe it will grow. Immediately after Sept. 11, if you talked about
American
foreign policy as having anything to do with the problem, people were
horrified.

It was too close. People thought you were diminishing the tragedy. I think
as
time passes, it will be easier to think in more long-term ways."

 From the Fields of Revolutionary Past

Out here in western Massachusetts, fertile territory for alternative
views since the American Revolution, opposition to capitalism and
corporate power was
already fueling many students.

Right away, said professor Michael Klare, head of peace and world security
studies at Hampshire College, "protests were organized by students who were
already geared up for antiglobalization protests." They have a perspective
that
makes them distinct from many other undergraduates Klare has encountered in
his
post-Sept. 11 flurry of speeches and seminars. "Most students don't even
have
that. They're just bewildered," he said.

But some students--and many nonstudents as well--crave involvement as a way
to
stave off feelings of helplessness. Over lunch one recent day, a table full
of
Hampshire College students talked about how and why they have plunged into
action, forming a local branch of a group born at UC Berkeley on Sept. 12:
Students for a Peaceful Response.

Their principles of unity, they explained, begin with a condemnation of the
attacks of Sept. 11.

 From there, said 21-year-old Kai Newkirk of Shepardstown, W.Va., "we have
the
priority of stopping the mass murder of millions. We have a window of a few
weeks."

Sydney Hoover, 17, a freshman from Upper Coe, Md., said she already
was involved in an antiglobalization protest aimed at the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. After Sept. 11, that
effort hastily shifted focus to initiate a campus dialogue with a
group called Activating Peace.

The loosely knit group launched nonviolence training seminars and began
preparing speakers, Hoover said. With the goal of creating "some kind
of visible dissenting presence," they reached out to local high
schools and community groups, organized teach-ins and held a daylong
walkout at Hampshire, a private school with 1,200 students.

The process unfolding at Hampshire reflects a powerfully American quality,
said
Dale Bryan of the peace and justice studies program at Tufts University,
near
Boston.

"This voice that for many represents rancorous discourse actually it is bona
fide, genuine American participation," Bryan said. "It is what the country
does
well, to assemble and participate freely, and we always have. And sometimes
it
is directed at the government, and the Constitution says, well, sometimes it
should be."

For those in "the movement"--a timeworn sobriquet that the peace effort has
clung to--"this is how it is being realized: in day-to-day, face-to-face,
ordinary conversations," Bryan said.

Signs of Growing Opposition in Streets

At Lincoln Square in Worcester, an industrial-era city in central
Massachusetts, this theory plays out each Tuesday at a street vigil.
Mothers, lawyers, clergy, students--the number stays constant at
about 50, though the participants change--stand at a busy
intersection. They chant, wave signs, hand out leaflets and often
hold conversations with people who come to a stop in their cars.

Out on the street in his suit and tie, Philip Stone, a 47-year-old attorney,
said: "I think this is a fairly typical example of the kind of
grass-roots peace activity that you will see going on all over the
country. This is a location with high visibility, a place where we
can demonstrate that there is thoughtful opposition to the policies
of the current administration."

Kindergarten teacher Kathleen Connelly Legg, a 45-year-old mother of
three, said she never protested during Vietnam and thought hard
before showing up at Lincoln Square. She was troubled, Legg said,
that "we, as the most powerful nation on Earth, are bombing the most
destitute."

Though small, the weekly demonstration will help the seeds of a new
peace effort to take root, Legg said.

"It spreads and it spreads as information gets out. I am hoping we are
laying
the groundwork for something much larger. I am hoping that we get that kind of time."
--
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 From www.blackelectorate.com

*********************

Should African Americans Wave The Flag?

By:  Donna J. Warren,
California Green Party
10/23/2001

Black folks riding around with American flags waving from cars. Black
folks thinking maybe racial profiling isn't so bad as long as they're
profiling those evil terrorists, the Arabs and the Muslims.

Is it really OK for Black folks to ride around with American flags?

Is racial profiling now OK when directed to the Arab and Muslim Communities?

Recent polls in the Black community show that 60% of African
Americans are in favor of racial profiling of the Arab/Muslim
community in light of the 911 World Trade bombings. Is racial
profiling, a product of insidious American racism, ever justified?

Timothy McVeigh--male, white, American, veteran, Michigan militia
member, blew up the Oklahoma federal building. America did not
racially profile white Americans.

America did not advocate blowing up the State of Michigan.

The Taliban wants evidence of Osama bin Laden's guilt before they
turn bin Laden over to a court.

No negotiations says Bush. 'When I said no negotiations, I meant no
negotiations. We know he's guilty; turn him over.'

Don't need evidence to find bin Laden guilty. Nothing new to South
Central LA. Most of the 56,775 inmates in California's prisons under
the 3 Strikes Law were convicted with little or no evidence, often on
the word of a police officer, or worse still, sentenced to 25 years
to life because 5, 10, 15 years or more ago the evidence was a
bargained plea. 57% of these prisoners are African American; this in
a state that may be 12% African American. California Courts don't
need evidence to convict.

Simi Valley, 1992, lots of evidence showed 5 white policemen brutally
beating and inflicting permanent damage on a Black motorist. The
evidence was superfluous because a jury thought Stacey Koon and
company were acting in the best interests of the people. Not guilty
on all counts. Don't need evidence to convict white police who beat
and murder Blacks, need a miracle!

The Bill of Rights, that little document which is supposed to govern
how we do business in the United States of America, says a person is
innocent until proven guilty, and that the accused can face his
accuser in a court of law and that the defendant is entitled to a
trial by jury - a jury of his peers.

"Turn him over, turn his cohorts over, turn any hostage they hold
over, destroy all the terrorist camps. ... I told them exactly what
they needed to do. There's no need to discuss innocence or guilt. We
know he's guilty. Turn him over," said the president selected by the
Supreme Court. "They hate our freedoms, our freedom of religion, our
freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with
each other."

Maybe that's why African Americans wave the flag. Osama bin Laden and
all those terrorist Arabs and Muslims hate our freedoms.

In 1996, Madeleine Albright, then the US secretary of state, was
asked on national television what she felt about the 500,000 Iraqi
children who had died as a result of US economic sanctions. It was a
'very hard choice,' but Albright said, 'all things considered, we
think the price is worth it.'

George Bush the First, Bill Clinton, Dick Cheney, Henry Kissinger,
General Colin Powell, General Norman Schwarzkopf, Ronald Reagan,
Elliot Abrams, Gerald Ford, and George Bush the Second have
supported, trained, bankrolled and supplied with arms the murders of
millions in Yugoslavia, Somalia, Bosnia, Sudan, Rwanda, Pakistan,
Colombia, Iraq, Lebanon, the Congo, South Africa, My Lai, El
Salvador, Nicaragua, Vietnam, East Timor, Angola, Cambodia,
Guatemala, Grenada, Libya, Palestine, Afghanistan, and South Central
Los Angeles. U.S. terrorism continues to strike in the States -
infestation of crack cocaine by the CIA, mandatory minimum
sentencing, 3 Strikes, the Prison Industrial Complex, the racist
death penalty, institutionalized racism in education, health care,
social services, housing, employment.

Let's wave our flags for America and stand united with President Bush
in pure presumptuous arrogance because "If you're not with us, you're
against us".

I am an American but until America stops her aggression on my World,
until America humbles herself at the table for peace, and until
America apologizes for slavery, my African American brothers and
sisters will just have to wave that American flag without me.

"Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil
obedience. Our problem is that numbers of people all over the world
have obeyed the dictates of the leaders of their government and have
gone to war, and millions have been killed because of this obedience.
. . Our problem is that people are obedient all over the world in the
face of poverty and starvation and stupidity, and war, and cruelty.
Our problem is that people are obedient while the jails are full of
petty thieves, and all the while the grand thieves are running and
robbing the country. That's our problem." Howard Zinn, "Failure to
Quit"

Donna J. Warren is a South Central LA Community Activist and Candidate for
the Green Party Nomination for Lt. Governor of California. She ran in June
2001 as the Green Party Candidate to fill the seat vacated by the death of
Julian Dixon in the 32nd Congressional District.


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              <text>
Below find a marvelous piece, especially for anyone feeling a little
beseiged by the swell on mile-long, inch-deep patriotism flooding the
land.  BTW,  for those of you who haeven't done so, please send me an
e-mail to alruff@execpc.com so that I can switch you address over to my
NEW e-mail location.
-X

Date: Sun, 11 Nov 2001 00:56:00 -0600
&gt;
&gt; &gt; San Francisco Gate - Oct 19, 2001
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt;
&gt;http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/gate/archive/2001/10/19/not
e
&gt; &gt; s101901.DTL&amp;amp;type=printable&gt;
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; Evil Evildoers Of Evil
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; How to feel calmly patriotic and yet not the slightest bit reassured by
&gt;Bush
&gt; &gt; &amp; Co.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; By Mark Morford, SF Gate Columnist
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; This much is true: It really is possible to love your country and
&gt; &gt; value your freedoms and still believe the government is full of fools
&gt; &gt; and prevaricators and BS artists and Dick Cheney. Really.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; It is still possible to feel warmly patriotic in personal and
&gt; &gt; important ways and yet believe the military and the generals and the
&gt; &gt; war machine do not have your best interests at heart and really
&gt; &gt; couldn't care less what those interests are anyway but thank you for
&gt; &gt; sharing now please sit down and do as we tell you and by the way,
&gt; &gt; thanks for all the flags and the money.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; And it is still possible to feel unified and spiritually connected to
&gt; &gt; all that is good and righteous about your generally nonviolent
&gt; &gt; Americanism -- you know, wine and sex and good music, large dogs and
&gt; &gt; literature and clean water and tongue kissing in the streets -- and
&gt; &gt; still be depressed when our famously nonintellectual president talks
&gt; &gt; to the country like we're all five years old and heavily dosed on
&gt; &gt; Ritalin.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; When Bush employs phrases like "bring the evildoers to justice" over
&gt; &gt; and over, 17 times in one speech alone, and he furrows his brow like
&gt; &gt; a serious Muppet and offers carefully scripted reassurances
&gt; &gt; deliberately lacking in polysyllabism and detailed explanation
&gt; &gt; because that would be, you know, complicated.  When he repeats
&gt; &gt; primitive little maxims like "There are no negotiations" and responds
&gt; &gt; to press-conference questions about the vitriolic anti-US hatred that
&gt; &gt; has blossomed around the globe by saying, "I'm amazed. I just can't
&gt; &gt; believe it because I know how good we are," thus causing a giant
&gt; &gt; global spasm of multinational cringing and openly insulting the
&gt; &gt; intelligence of anyone who can walk and breathe at the same time.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; When he delivers very earnest speeches he had no part in writing,
&gt; &gt; and when he is forced to speak extemporaneously, sans script or
&gt; &gt; TelePrompTer, and is reduced to simplistic good-guy/bad-guy
&gt; &gt; platitudes and flustered, rapid blinking, and who cannot for the life
&gt; &gt; of him articulate a complex idea, some sort of nuanced elucidation of
&gt; &gt; our nation's motives and positioning, that contains more than one
&gt; &gt; possible level of meaning.  But perhaps that's too harsh. Unfair.
&gt; &gt; He's the president, after all. He is a Good Man. He's our leader
&gt; &gt; right now, he's doing his best and he's all we've got. This is our
&gt; &gt; rallying cry, our motto: He's all we've got. There's your bumper
&gt; &gt; sticker. And there he is.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; Except for Cheney, which isn't exactly reassuring. No one has ever
&gt; &gt; seen this man's mouth actually move. No one can take one look at his
&gt; &gt; oddly spiritless and wan figure and not think, oh dear God, that man
&gt; &gt; is running on fumes. From a bunker. With ropes and pulleys. But
&gt; &gt; you're not supposed to. In fact, you really aren't allowed to
&gt; &gt; criticize the president or the veep right now, not supposed to feel
&gt; &gt; strangely leaderless and adrift, not permitted to look upon the
&gt; &gt; events of the past weeks with much wariness or bitterness or a
&gt; &gt; disquieting sense that we're setting things in motion that have no
&gt; &gt; predictable outcome -- ugly, subterranean, hateful things that could
&gt; &gt; last years and will surely cost billions and will deeply entrench the
&gt; &gt; nation in a bizarre and poisonous shell game with shadowy opponents
&gt; &gt; of largely unknown capability and do you hear that? That soft
&gt; &gt; roaring?
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; That's the sound of the GOP-stroked military machine, quietly
&gt; &gt; cheering. Never mind the staggering multibillion-dollar political
&gt; &gt; mess in Saudi Arabia that fueled bin Laden's network for years, or
&gt; &gt; the enormous oil fields that are desperately vulnerable to terrorist
&gt; &gt; attack at any moment. Never mind the US government's outright
&gt; &gt; rejection of new advancements in alternative fuels to get us away
&gt; &gt; from oil and out of the Gulf entirely. Instead we get: Evildoers. Air
&gt; &gt; strikes. Hundreds of dead civilians. Rumsfeld denials. And Bush,
&gt; &gt; squinting, saying things only small children and GasMaskExpress.com
&gt; &gt; shoppers find comforting and manly. It is, Bush tells us, a war on
&gt; &gt; terrorism. We will eradicate terrorism through largely violent and
&gt; &gt; aggressive means, because that is what we must do and what we always
&gt; &gt; do and everything else takes too damn long. We have to do something.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; This is the common wisdom. Bush said so. Mr. Rumsfeld told him so,
&gt; &gt; with his black and shiny hawk eyes all a-glimmer. Disagree? You
&gt; &gt; traitorous whiner. This war, it will be just like the War on Drugs.
&gt; &gt; It will be potent and effective and our objectives will be clear. The
&gt; &gt; nation had a nasty drug problem and we declared a war on drugs and
&gt; &gt; spent billions over many years and now you can't buy drugs anymore.
&gt; &gt; It will be just like that.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; There is more than one way to respond to the horror of Sept. 11. And
&gt; &gt; there is more than one kind of patriotism. We forget this. You do not
&gt; &gt; have to rally around Bush and tolerate Cheney's chthonic creepiness
&gt; &gt; and wave a frantic flag and believe every scripted half-truth that
&gt; &gt; drizzles out of the Pentagon, applaud the nonstop attacks on an
&gt; &gt; already demolished nation. Pro-America does not mean pro-war. Or
&gt; &gt; pro-Bush. Or anti- Afghanistan. Or pro-little-flags-on-SUV-antennas.
&gt; &gt; It means thinking independently and getting better informed and
&gt; &gt; filtering your news very carefully and realizing that just because
&gt; &gt; one version of the American aggro attitude is currently being
&gt; &gt; ramrodded down society's throat doesn't mean you have to swallow.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; It means you don't have to find Tomahawk missiles really cool or
&gt; &gt; think all those tens of thousands of Europeans and Egyptians and
&gt; &gt; world citizens protesting the US bombings must be commie jerks, or
&gt; &gt; feel sad and morally depleted when you can't seem to draw any
&gt; &gt; intellectual nourishment whatsoever when Bush declaims, "Terrorists
&gt; &gt; want us to stop our lives, stop our flying, stop our buying. But this
&gt; &gt; nation will not be intimidated by evildoers." You don't have to buy
&gt; &gt; into that infantile hokum for a moment. After all, this is America.
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt;
&gt; &gt; [Mark Morford's Notes &amp; Errata column appears every Wednesday and
&gt; &gt; Friday on SF Gate, unless it appears on Tuesday or Thursday, which it
&gt; &gt; almost never does. He also writes the Morning Fix, a deeply skewed
&gt; &gt; and very funny daily email newsletter.]



_______________________________________________
discuss@madpeace.org mailing list
http://lists.OpenSoftwareServices.com/mailman/listinfo/madpeace-discuss

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&gt;
&gt;Date: Thu, 15 Nov 2001 10:37:56 -0500
&gt;
&gt;800 Unionists from 100 Countries Adopt Statement on
&gt;Terrorism; ICFTU Damns WTO Deal
&gt;
&gt;International Metalworkers Federation Congress adopts statement on
terrorism
&gt;
&gt;800 delegates from 100 countries adopt a statement on the struggle against
&gt;terrorism.
&gt;
&gt;SYDNEY: The 30th IMF World Congress, composed of 800 delegates from 100
&gt;countries, has adopted a statement on the struggle against terrorism.
&gt;
&gt;"Although not a unanimous vote, the overwhelming majority in favor of the
&gt;statement shows that we are able to put aside our differences and personal
&gt;views, and unite behind a call for the fight against terrorism," IMF
&gt;assistant general secretary Brian Fredricks says.
&gt;
&gt;"In addressing the question of terror, the Congress also - in a spirit of
&gt;solidarity - addresses the issue of poverty," Fredricks stresses.
&gt;
&gt;Below follows the text of the adopted statement, in English. Links to the
&gt;statement in other languages can be found at the bottom of this page.
&gt;
&gt;
&gt;---------------------------------------------------------------------------
-----
&gt;
&gt;IMF Statement on the Struggle against Terrorism
&gt;
&gt;The IMF and its affiliates meeting at the IMF's 30 World Congress in
&gt;Sydney, Australia from 11-15 November 2001, reiterate their outrage and
&gt;condemnation of the terrorist attacks in the USA on September 11, 2001
&gt;which led to the death of over 5,000 innocent American and foreign
&gt;civilians, and injured thousands more. We express our full solidarity,
&gt;sympathy and friendship with the families of the victims in the USA and
&gt;abroad..
&gt;
&gt;This unprecedented terrorist act is an attack on the fundamental human
&gt;rights to freedom, security and self-determination. It is an attack on the
&gt;human dignity of all peoples and the basic values of peace and democracy
&gt;which the international trade union movement has upheld and fought for
&gt;throughout its entire history.
&gt;
&gt;Terrorism such as on September 11 in the USA or in any other forms has no
&gt;place in our world. The IMF and its affiliates support the global efforts
&gt;to combat terrorism, and urges nations to make common cause in bringing to
&gt;justice and punishing those responsible for the barbarism and cruelty of
&gt;the September 11 attacks.
&gt;
&gt;This Congress recognizes that military actions as authorized by
&gt;international law should be conducted so as to serve a primary goal to
&gt;protect innocent civilian lives.
&gt;
&gt;That is why the IMF also calls on the international community to take all
&gt;possible measures for the protection of the rights and well-being of
&gt;innocent civilians and refugees in its struggle against terrorism.
&gt;
&gt;Moreover, the international community must address the root causes that
&gt;swell the ranks of terrorists. The fight against terrorism must remove the
&gt;appeal of fanatical causes by dealing with poverty and underdevelopment,
&gt;displacement, desperation and bitterness that are nurtured by a
&gt;fundamentally unjust global order. Poverty, injustice and policies that
&gt;favor one people over another invariably provide recruits for the armies of
&gt;the intolerant.
&gt;
&gt;The fight against terrorism is also a fight against tax havens and lax
&gt;financial regulations which, in the name of liberalism, have facilitated
&gt;the financing of these murderous activities. The IMF has long struggled for
&gt;appropriate measures to eliminate illegitimate financial transactions.
&gt;
&gt;Lasting peace can only be based on social progress and the full respect of
&gt;human rights and self-determination everywhere in the world. It requires a
&gt;broad international commitment to fight the glaring inequalities between
&gt;and within countries and the implementation of even-handed policies with
&gt;respect to contending national and ethnic groups. The IMF therefore urges
&gt;its affiliates to build political pressure on their governments to take
&gt;specific actions to foster democracy and a balanced economic and social
&gt;development for all. This must also include policy initiatives by national
&gt;governments towards the United Nations and other international institutions
&gt;of global governance in furtherance of these goals.
&gt;
&gt;
&gt;[November 14, 2001]
&gt;============================================
&gt;IMF Congress News
&gt;
&gt;
&gt;       Resolution
&gt;
&gt;
&gt;       Resolution on the lifting of the Cuban Embargo
&gt;       Noting:
&gt;         The Cuban people have been under embargo by successive US
&gt;         administrations for the past 41 years.
&gt;         That all peoples have a fundamental right to determine their
social,
&gt;         economic and political development.
&gt;         That Cuba is subjected to unfair treatment, because it is
&gt;singled out by
&gt;         policy criteria that are not similarly applied to other states.
&gt;         Cuba has succeeded in building a comprehensive public education
and
&gt;         health sector that caters for its entire people without any
&gt;         discrimination.
&gt;         That the continuing embargo constitutes a violation of several
U.N.
&gt;         resolutions and motions, which were adopted with an overwhelming
&gt;         majority of UN member states.
&gt;       Believing:
&gt;         The embargo against Cuba violates not only the sovereignty
&gt;of Cuba, but
&gt;         impedes political developments that would allow the realisation of
its
&gt;         peoples right to self-determination.
&gt;         The embargo is obstructing the involvement of the Cuban people in
the
&gt;         international community, and the restrictions resulting from it
are
&gt;         hindering autonomous trade union development.
&gt;         Like all humanity, the Cubans deserve a better life, including
full
&gt;         political democracy and trade union rights, which are absent under
&gt;         present conditions.
&gt;       Therefore resolve:
&gt;         To condemn in the strongest terms the embargo that has
&gt;imposed enormous
&gt;         suffering on the Cuban people.
&gt;         To support the fight to lift the embargo, side by side with the
Cuban
&gt;         people and many governments, trade unions, and NGO's which will
&gt;         contribute to fostering democratic pluralism and trade union and
human
&gt;         rights.
&gt;         That IMF affiliates work with their national centres to
&gt;ensure that the
&gt;         ICFTU and the rest of the global labour movement intensifies the
&gt;         campaign for the lifting of the embargo.
&gt;       [November 12, 2001]
&gt;

--

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http://www.epic.org/privacy/terrorism/hr3162.html

also available as a 342 page .pdf



_______________________________________________
discuss@madpeace.org mailing list
http://lists.OpenSoftwareServices.com/mailman/listinfo/madpeace-discuss

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              <text>I think a discussion of MAPC's outreach/inclusivity is overdue, but I would like to suggest that we leave the logo out of it for right now, to vastly reduce potential divisiveness of the issue. Table the logo for a week, talk about these important issues of inclusiveness, and then revive the logo discussion without it being a litmus test of any kind.

I'm sure we've all seen it happen before. People who fundamentally mean well and generally agree with each other can get sidetracked into bitter wars over what meanings should be attributed to a symbol or symbolic action. Arguments over differing interpretations degenerate into labeling each others' interpretations in very negative ways.
Right now, rather than fighting over the history vs. the perception of the peace sign, we should be focused on taking concrete steps to ensure (1) that everyone who opposes the war feels comfortable working with MAPC and (2) that MAPC's efforts to educate and inform are both respectful and audible to every community in Madison.
If the use or non-use of the peace sign has a part to play, it should emerge out of this larger discussion, not be the instrument to open a can of worms.
What we really need to examine is: what efforts have been made to build coalitions with various communities in Madison? I know efforts have just started to outreach to labor--excellent &amp; long overdue as well. Have we tried to invite other communities to get involved, or explored ways of networking? When I emailed my contacts in the Muslim Students' Assoc &amp; the Islamic Ctr about the rally this Saturday, they were unaware of any other MAPC effort to involve or even connect with their organizations. So--what has been done so far? What can be done?

Secondly but no less importantly, we need to collect feedback from non-dominant-culture perspectives, whether coalition members or our contacts in various communities, regarding:
1) perception of MAPC / anti-war movement in general--relevant? Inclusive?
2) things MAPC can do to be *perceived* as more welcoming to anti-war people in various communities
3) things MAPC can do to actually *be* more representative of a variety of views and voices
4) particular ways MAPC can network with community leaders
5) best strategies for each community for outreach on anti-war issues.
It seems especially important that MAPC be a haven and firm support for anyone who feels isolated and vulnerable at the moment--whether it be the direct targets of racist scapegoating, or international students from any part of the globe who feel isolated by their anti-imperialist perspectives and/or afraid of the new anti-immigrant laws.

So my final recommendation is that our next action should really target issues of racial profiling, Ashcroft's stripping away of immigrants' rights, and the hundreds of people currently in custody over a month without due process. (I was planning to suggest this anyway--it didn't just come up because of tonight's meeting).

Guess that's more than two cents!
In solidarity,
X

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Please, if you're going to the Peace Parade up at MATC/Truax tomorrow
and you have room in your vehicle,  take a moment to stop by either the
Memorial Union on Langdon and/or the Willy Co-op to see if there are any
people who need rides.  The coalition has suggested that those needing
rides be at the Co-op or the Union at 11:30 sharp.  There will be "point
people" at those locations to help corrdinate.  It looks like there's
going to be a good turnout and we want to make sure that those withou
vehicles can get a ride.  So please, if you're driving, pick someone up.

Thanks!
-AR
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