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              <text>September 11: One Year On  Thats Entertainment

The day that sent shockwaves around the world. The BBC marks the anniversary of September 11 with a series of special reports and commemorative broadcasts from across the globe.


BBC Programme Information 7-13 September 2002

As the first anniversary of the terrorist attacks of September 11 approaches, broadcasters are preparing to go toe to toe to see who will win the broadcasting war of attrition which will mean wall-to-wall coverage of the anniversary of the al Qaeda attacks on America. 

The BBC - like almost every other large broadcast and media concern this side of  Washington - is preparing to commemorate the anniversary of what has glibly been called ëGround Zero with round-the-clock coverage across its radio and television stations.  Gathered together under a suitably bathetic.  The day that sent shockwaves around the world banner, BBC coverage will go into overdrive in a way not seen since the actual coverage of September 11 (although BBC World Service did also devote a week of programming to the six month anniversary of the attacks). 

BBC Radio 4, Radio Five Live and the World Service will run extensive commemorative programmes to complement coverage on the terrestrial and digital television stations. BBC1 will also premiere 9/11, a documentary filmed in and around the World Trade Centre when the two hijacked planes struck New Yorks twin towers. 





 The only other recent equivalent precedents in British broadcasting history 

are the deaths of the Princess of Wales and the Queen Mother respectively 

which ñ rightly or wrongly ñ were always going to be subject to a ëwar chest 

programming strategy. In a BBC press release issued in April of this year, acting Director General Mark Byford praised all BBC staff for their efforts in securing overnight figures for the BBC coverage of the Queen Mothers funeral: We should feel very proud of our coverage in providing programmes of real quality, depth and distinction. It was a very big team effort. Our professionalism, skill and outstanding creativity shone through in capturing the events so magnificently for audiences across the country and the world. We are gratified that the large majority of viewers turned to the BBC to witness yesterdays historic funeral service.

The BBC celebrated an audience peak of 7.1 million viewers and a 58.2% audience share in contrast to ITVs 3.3 million and 27.1% of audience share. The BBCs outside broadcast of the occasion pulled together more staff and equipment than the combined studios of Television Centre. A team of more than 350 people, 100 cameras, 15 television mobile control vehicles plus 100 trucks, ten large mobile radio studios and approximately 1,000 miles of cable were used to ensure the successful live BBC broadcast of the procession to Lying-in-State and
the funeral service. Requisite television gravitas was lent to the proceedings by the BBCs resident man-at-arms David Dimbleby, while Fergal Keane was whiskedaway from less pressing business in Lebanon to commentate on events for BBC radio.

It is this sort of infrastructural and logistical muscle which will allow 
BBC Radio 5s Five Live Breakfast to be broadcast from New York. Former BBC Radio One DJ Simon Mayo also presents from New York while the afternoon show presented by Peter Allen and Jane Garvey will be co-presented in Washington and Jerusalem respectively. The BBCs pop music station, Radio 1, will carry live reports from Ground Zero in its Newbeat programme throughout the day. 

 More cynical minds might question the value of sending breakfast radio show teams and broadcasters more familiar with the back catalogues of Britney Spears and the Spice Girls half way across the world to broadcast the days latest hits mixed with on-the-spot interviews with grieving New Yorkers. As if that really wasnt enough, add to that list a specially developed website (  &lt;http://www.bbc.co.uk/september11&gt; 
http://www.bbc.co.uk/september11 which promises to carry archive material, news and information, international views and historical background to help put the events of the past year into context. Live webcasts from Ground Zero are also promised. 

The surfeit of coverage has of course nothing to do with constant speculation regarding the licence fee nor the criticisms levelled at the BBCs rolling news service BBC 24 (annual budget of 50 millions pound sterling compared to SKYs 20 million operating costs) which is caught in a three-way dog-fight between CNN and SKY.

The BBC is proud of the way it handled its September 11 coverage last year - it won a clutch of journalism awards including the Foreign Event Special Award from the FPA as well as the George Polk Journalism Award for its authoritative, wide-ranging accounts of the attacks on America and the war in Afghanistan - pointing to the fact that it was able to take advantage of its international bureaux to bring immediate on-the-spot eyewitness reports. Not ones to normally crow, the BBC (in a report submitted to the Culture Secretary in December 2001 in support of the current independent review of BBC News 24) stresses the strength in depth of BBC reporting: Our newsgathering strength has been in evidence throughout the conflict with experienced reporters on both sides of the front line, including the first Western reporters into Kabul.  BBC News 24 also managed to find a diverse range of contributors, benefiting from its close connection with BBC World, as were more able to persuade news-makers to appear in the knowledge that they would be heard across the world as well as in the UK (including Madeleine 
Allbright, General Musharaf, Henry Kissinger, Benjamin Netanyahu).

Just as was the case with their exhaustive and exhausting royal funerals 

coverage, the BBCs coverage was a logistical and technical triumph (though whether the rogues gallery of interviewees listed truly deserves the epithet diverse is certainly questionable).

But more problematic still is the use of a slick linguistic casuistry more 
commonly associated with hack advertising copywriters and feature film trailer writers - ëThe day the world changed, ëThe day the world changed forever and other tired variations of the same theme - which presupposes an agreed consensual agenda and shared historical marking of the day.

Similarly emotionally charged appeals to some imagined wider public sentiment were expressed in BBC World's 'The Shrine' (31/08/02), a documentary marking the fifth anniversary of the death of Princess Diana as part of the channel's 'Modern Times' series: 

'A powerful and moving account of the astonishing late summer days that
saw a normally genteel Royal park transformed into a site of fervent devotion. 

Richard Alwyns film catches the vigil like atmosphere outside the Palace in the hours before the funeral, the anguish in Hyde Park during the ceremony, and the tranquillity of the night times spent in sleeping bags around fires.' 

Having waded through acres of adjective and the sort of tired prose Hallmark greetings card writers kill for, we learn that Dianas death changed the [British] people. True, blue rinsed pensioners and flags and banners monarchists did weep and wail, but there certainly wasnt the extraordinary outburst of national grief that has been claimed: an extraordinary outburst of media 

coverage yes; but whether the two are mutually exclusive is debatable. We are invited to believe that Dianas death re-framed Britain in much the same way that Ground Zero is Year Zero for world history. The death of a jet-setting royal and the events of September 11 brook no comparison ñ one is the stuff of OK! Magazine specials, the other a tragedy on a grand scale ñ but the framing of both in absolutist terms demands further examination.   

Not only are the invariably starsntrite sentiments attached to 11/09 anniversary coverage bogus; but the need to dress them up in neatly trailed packages withsolemn snatches of music playing beneath suitably reverential tones servesonly to silence debate and to privilege a false new world order discourse decreed from on high in Washington. 

Worse still, as Michael Goldberg writing in Salon (09/07/02) observes, in 
a media glutted world, September 11 couldnt help but become the ultimate reality show. So enamoured were we of its rare shocking authenticity that we replicated its image into infinity and leached it of its meaning. September 11, he argues, has become the political sledgehammer that the US administration can now take to any nut. Radio and television ñ wittingly or not -  provide the dramatic narrative exigencies required to support the risible war noises emanating from Washington and London.

Of course, the BBC is not alone in its use of extra-diagetic music and sundry other dramatic devices to hook the audience - this is symptomatic of a cultural sea-change in news and factual broadcasting which is now regrettably the norm from CNN to Channel 4. 

Nor should it be singled out for its planned September 11 coverage: again, this is demonstrably the case across the board - whether you are in Bermondsey or Baltimore. 

Nonetheless, the rationale behind the decision to film a British Bank Holiday special (27/08/02) of the gardening makeover programme Ground Force in New York  must be questioned (you can probably imagine the scene as the allusive penny slowly drops in some bright spark editors head ñ I know! Why dont we). 

In what must be the worst known case of what the satirical British magazine Private Eye calls WarBalls ñ the linking of anything and everything to September 11 on the flimsiest of pretexts - the Ground Force team of celebrity gardenersundertook its mission to help by rejuvenating a small area for a local communityof New Yorkers who have been deeply affected by the tragedy. In a three dayproject the Ground Force team flew over to New York to surprise actress BetteMidler and the local people of Lower East Side, Manhattan with a garden in  recognition of what the people of New York have been through.

Writing in The Mirror (28/07/02), Jim Shelley commented on the opening scenes of the programme where regular presenter Charlie Dimmock looking at her NewYork holiday snaps ñ replete with twin towers ñ as bearing ëthe unmistakable stench of blatant exploitation. BBC America viewers hopefully wont be quite so squeamish. But why so much coverage? To paraphrase the much maligned Noam Chomsky, the crimes of September 11 are indeed a historic turning point ñ not because of the scale but rather because of the choice of target. 

That, as the New Statesman argued in its leader of 24/09/01, is the reason why British sympathies are perceived as being almost wholly concerned with the sufferings of ordinary Americans because they are ëpeople like us as opposed to ordinary people in the third world (or now, Afghanistan and very possibly Iraq). These are sentiments which would seem to be shared by commissioning editors the length and breadth of Europe. 

There is no question that the terrorist attacks on the twin towers deserve 
to be comprehensively covered, and indeed, deserve to be fittingly marked in tribute to the dead and to the hundreds and thousands of Americans whose lives were irrevocably changed by the events of September 11. Whether September 11 has proved to be the turning point in recent modern history as is so often claimed is a completely different question. Certainly, the events of September 11 have left an indelible mark on the global collective conscious which will not and cannot be easily erased. 

September 11 is without question a day for mourning and reflection on what has passed and what might yet still come to pass.  Let us respect the tragedy of last year without turning it once more into a rolling media jamboree more concerned with audience share,  overnight figures and the repetition of febrile unchallenged half truths about the threat posed by Saddam to western capitals. 

Constant media raking over of the ashes in the guise of tribute might ultimately prove to be as disingenuous in spirit as the dollar hungry ghouls who tout Ground Zero DVDs and Osama Bin Laden toilet paper on the streets surrounding the site where the World Trade Centre once stood. It is impossible to forget the cleaners, firemen, janitors and office workers who lost their lives on that fateful day last year, but nor should we forget the ordinary lives which have already been thrown into turmoil in Afghanistan (and very probably Iraq if messrs Bush and Rumsfeld continue to militate for war against their former favourite despot).

Only this month, the World Food Programme announced that rations to millions of Afghans are to be cut as a result of international donors failure to honour promises to help re-build the stricken country. UN figures calculate that some six million Afghans still need food aid over the next year, but a $90 million shortfall of required aid- or 200,000 tonnes of food- means that the money required for the most basic levels of subsistence is already beginning to run out as Washington and Brussels continue to squabble over who should pay what. Whether the eyes and ears of the BBC and CNN will be on the ground in Kabul - or Baghdad should push come to shove - in quite such numbers when that corner of the worlds anniversaries come around remains to be seen. As is so often the case, out of sight is very much out of mind.

Perhaps George Orwell was only partially wrong when he wrote that if you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face - for ever. He should of course have said a video loop of two jets crashing into the World Trade Centre.</text>
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              <text>"Toward A More Perfect Union: Lessons Learned - Or Not -Since 9/11"

In the year 2000, candidate George W. Bush spoke of having a humble, non-arrogant foreign policy. Since his presidency, the contrary has been the case. One of his first acts was to intensify the bombing of Iraq, which only increased the hatred towards America. In a letter to the editor of mine to the Salt Lake Tribune dated, Tuesday, July 13, 1993 entitled ""Islamic Grievances"" I wrote:

""Israel and the Palestinians have been going at it an eye for an eye for nearly 50 years and have only reconfirmed the old adages that hate breeds hate and violence begets more violence. Now the United States is being sucked into a similar tit for tat with Iraq.  As horrible as it is to envision, I am convinced that if we do not change our course and deal more seriously and sensibly with the grievances of the Islamic world (whether real or perceived) we will experience the explosion of a nuclear weapon in New York City before the year 2000."" 

The above was written a few months after the initial World Trade Center parking garage bombing in February of 1993. Even though my fear was not accurate in fact, it was close to it in effect. I refer to this only to make the point that I was not surprised with the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Since the day after the Gulf War with Iraq ended, one knew Saddam Hussein (and others) would devise ways to take out revenge on the United States. If there had been a full page add in the New York Times so proclaiming, it could have not been plainer.

What have we learned from this horrific incident? The answer appears to be very little in regard to our standing in the world and conduct of foreign policy. Obviously, what was spoken of earlier by the president never saw the light of day, and he and his advisors remain blind and deaf to what is self-evident to most of the rest of the world. How many more 9/11's will it take?
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              <text>Sept. 11 is my birthday. Last year, after jetting through the night from Washington, D.C, my wife and I had beheld the Pentagon scaffolding only hours before it was struck. I awoke in L.A. to the horror of an event that would change things forever.

At first, like so many others, I seethed with anger, despair, revenge. Then, after the debris cloud had settled, after the better angels of Lincolns time had descended into our own, I began to reflect upon 9-11s larger import. 

The attacks were more than an alarm; they opened a portal into a whole new consciousness. Beyond the detractors who say America had it coming, and the jingoists who say we should never deserve such a terrible blow, there is the growing realization that we cannot act the same way anymore. We cannot be arrogant unilateralists, policing the world at our whim. Oil fields, drug wars and Cold War recidivism cannot dictate our statecraft. There were no excuses for the atrocities of 9-11, but there certainly were motivations. It is our duty to try to understand them, to prevent their re-emergence.

We have learned this much: Democracy is fragile and can be undermined from both abroad and within. Tragedy can be exploited for political and commercial gain. Security without freedom brings neither. Regrettably, the global sympathy that flowed so freely after the attacks has given way to resentment as the administration becomes ever more bellicose. 

Science of Mind, a nonjudgmental religious philosophy founded early last century, stresses the oneness of the universe, the indivisibility of humankind. It is time we ended the archaic duality us versus them  that gave rise to Sept. 11. What unfolded on my birthday  -- a day I will mark with renewed purpose this year --  has made me appreciate that necessity even more.
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              <text>Toward A More Perfect Union


Nothing characterizes our age more than its inevitability. Only a child
would not expect another terrorist attack. "It is not if but when." And it
is only always a matter of time that "our resilience" will prevail to
everywhere accommodate ""our destiny."" Nothing is more inevitable than "our"
destiny. 

Why all the talk of inevitability? Since 9/11, the official eschatology has been mostly pronounced by those who have the power to make it so. The rhetorical masterstroke has been the unity of Americans to embattle the "evildoers."  Our destiny means "we will prevail" just as surely as we will be offered reasons to prevail. It is around these reasons that the Great Men convene to meet our destiny. 

Caught up in this inevitability have been disparate evildoers: illegal aliens who remain detained without charge, some others held incommunicado, to citizens who don't-watch-what-they-say enough to evade detection of TIPS volunteers. But these are, we are told, the costs of our destiny.

With so much inevitability to preserve, one wonders about the culpability of the Great Men. Our destiny requires blood. About this inevitability we'd do well to recall that not long ago 58,152 persons were destined to die inIndochina. To be sure, these dead were no Great Men. Only one person from the Harvard class of '70 served in combat. Only one Congressman's son ever saw battle in Vietnam.

It turns out that who is either with us or against us is just as possible as our collective future. One thing we can know--even as Iraq and elsewhere become inevitable--is who makes history behind our backs. Often we'll findit has not been, inevitably, "us," but some others whose blood will neverflow eagerly to meet our destiny. 
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              <text>I dont like the flag.  Its not ugly per se -- though
its stylistic merits are debatable  its just that its
imbued with so much unnecessary jingoism that I find
it distasteful.  If waving a flag in uncritical praise
of your country and your leader are the marks of true
patriotism, then most Nazis and Soviets were great
patriots, indeed.

The flag is just a symbol and, since it symbolizes
entirely different things to a striking oil worker in
Aceh than it does to a barber or a butcher in Peoria,
I choose not to wave it at all.  For me, that made
last September a lonely time.

Where I differ from most of my compatriots is that I
believe the fault for 9/11 lies not entirely with Al
Qaeda or the stars, but that part of it lies with us. 
It is not that Americans dont have much to be proud
Of -- the stoicism with which we faced the anthrax
attacks and the way we kept America moving by
treating ourselves to SUVs was quite heroic, but we
often behave as though our actions dont have
consequences.

The phenomenon of blowback is a clear demonstration
that our actions do have consequences.  It seems as
though everywhere our troops have been engaged in the
last 15 years (Somalia, Iraq, Afghanistan, Panama),
they have been engaged against former U.S. allies. 
The very dictators, thugs and terrorists we fought in
the 90 s and the ones we continue to fight today are
the ones we ourselves armed.  

During the cold war, we gave aid and comfort (usually
in the form of weapons and money) to anybody who
professed to be against communism, no matter how
brutal their tactics or how empty their ideology. 
Since 9/11, we have given a wink and a nod and a check
to governments around the globe that are repressing
their citizens in the name of anti-terrorism.   A
glance through any days paper will tell of Russian
crimes in Chechnya, of Musharraf consolidating power
in Pakistan by undemocratic means, of protestors in
various countries around the globe being repressed and
beaten in the name of anti-terror all with U.S.
consent.

John F. Kennedy said it best: Those who make peaceful
revolutions impossible, make violent revolutions
inevitable.  In backing dictatorial thugs around the
globe, we are making the same mistakes we made in the
cold war.  How many violent revolutions are we making
inevitable?  How much blowback is now in the offing?

Since there is a strong link between dictatorial
regimes and terrorism, our real self-interest lies in
promoting human rights and democracy around the globe,
instead of turning a blind eye to crimes committed by
undemocratic allies.  Perhaps if we started doing
that, I could start loving our flag again.
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              <text>Toward A More Perfect Union:Lessons Learned - Or Not - 9/11

Since 9/11 america was at a stand still of just the thought of planes flying into the twin towers. The main question many people say is this a wake up call for america? In some was many things can be wake up calls but this was much more which has so many words and rumors we just cant describe it.If this is a wake up call I say we as americans have woken up and have seen that there iare dangers out there that dont just affect our government polititions and mililtary,but we the people of america aswell.We finely realized not to let our guard down because we thought we could not be touched critically by third world country terrorist.We opened our eyes to a new reality which many of us may have not wanted to know about.Many americans have learned to be more patriotic due to this insident which brings people loving their nation more than ever.Although there are those who are awake of theis new reality some just want to be living in the past like the 9/11 insident never took place. This insident also gave our president Bush a chance to step up and take charge for america,and keep our country running strong due to the tradegy. 
Its strange to think that there are contries that are dangerous and crupted which think we are the same. Out of all these plans to eliminate terroism hopefully something positive can come from thes bringing positive actions and statements from other countries to bring peace.As a result of this we are ready for anything but the only problem is that we are against terrosits not a country.
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                <text>San Benito High School&#13;
Assigned by John Hand&#13;
English 4</text>
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              <text>The Innocents Abroad 

"You can't blame the innocent," wrote Graham Greene in The Quiet American, touching on a central tenet of the American psyche. "Innocence is a kind of insanity." Schizophrenia might be a more precise diagnosis for a nation that, amidst constant self-reassurance of its status as a "lone superpower," doesn't need much convincing of its own innocence. As Lewis Lapham outlined in a timely Harper's article shortly before the terror attacks last year, Americans tend to see themselves as the citizens of a "virtuous empire," heirs to that fabled city on a hill?a conception that the attacks have only served to strengthen.

If the events of September 11th should have taught us anything it is that 
America isn?t seen by much of the world as it is by itself. Recent 
skirmishes with our allies over the Rome Treaty and American peacekeepers have continued to underscore this notion, signaling a resurgent drift toward unilateralism. But nowhere is a continued perception gap between the U.S. and the rest of the world more pronounced than on the threat of a possible invasion of Iraq. Without a clear reason to go to war, the Bush administration finds itself without a single supporter.  ""But after all"", it seems to say, nodding over at Saddam, ""we?re the innocent ones here!"" Given that preemptive force contradicts the international norm of collective defense, it?s no wonder our allies aren't falling into line.

Writing in Granta shortly after September 11th, Ian Buruma (a European) 
eulogized America's semi-conscious forgetfulness by noting that "the 
promise of freedom in America is precisely to be liberated from the past."
To this I (an American) can only say: "Those who forget the past are 
condemned to repeat it."  Has America forgotten the lesson of September 11th? We sure seem to be trying our hardest.
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              <text>The events of September 11th brought this nation into an uproar of different opinions and reactions.

One of the hardest hit groups of this country were the political leaders.  They believed we were invincible and their dreams were crushed by these actions.  They were finally able to see that no one country is overly superior above the other and their ego was deflated by the shock of the attacks.  At the time we felt so high and mighty on our ship that we didnt even realize anyone was behind us, and now they see that we have to do something about it.

Another group of people really touched by this are the ones involved in or had someone involved in the tragedy.  Their hearts were heavily stricken and deeply sadden.  It hurts horribly when you lose someone, so these people did open up their eyes to seek more love and closeness.  Their feelings were much more affected than say mine or one of my peers.  Having discussed this with friends, Ive come to see that we are not troubled by these issues.  Im not saying that we are cold-hearted monsters, but since we were not directly hit we didnt get the same effect.  Im sure knowing someone involved would make all the difference, but since I didnt I feel indifferent.  My life did not change much and it resumes pretty much the same.  It might be because I feel useless or because Ive had enough time to think all of this out and understand how all of this works, but I did not take this as a wake up call but as a slight realization that we are not perfect.

So even though we all reacted to this, the state of effectiveness is very 
vast.
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                <text>San Benito High School&#13;
Assigned by John Hand&#13;
English 4</text>
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              <text>I had planned a REVOLT AGAINST THE TAX REFUND for September 13, 2001, at
which time a group of us in Manhattan were to meet, tax rebate checks in
hand, and simultaneously endorse the checks over to groups and people
fighting Bush policies.  When the September 11 attack occurred, I
realized I would have to cancel my event.  It couldnt possibly arouse
any interest while the nation focused on the terrorist attack.
That was MY interrupted agenda.

However, the tax abatement issue is still, if not more, critical today
than a year ago. Our needs are even greater but with less revenue to
address them --  our receding economy; our health care crisis; our
worsening environment; our failing education system; the reestablished
deficit; our increasing numbers of poor with the concomitant smaller
numbers of rich controlling greater amounts of wealth, as well as the
necessity for greater defense (but sane and non-threatening to our civil
liberties) measures against terrorism.

Although politicians and government officials have been reluctant to
tackle these problems because of the Republican scare tactic of equating
constructive criticism, even honest discussion, with lack of patriotism,
there is urgent need now to confront the fact that the tax refund plan
must be aborted before our tax base diminishes to the point where our
society will collapse.

With matters approaching a crisis point, we must now re-open the
dialogue regarding ill-advised and harmful Bush policies.  Let us ignore
polls and false Republican accusations of un-Americanism and raise
questions and demands for tax reform and, generally, economic and social
responsibility before it is too late.

I, a 71-year old grandmother, have lived long enough and through enough
war and turmoil to recognize the danger signals.  In the spirit of Tom
Paine, we must debate policies imperiling our well-being, our rights,
our safety, our future NOW in order to maintain a free nation.
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              <text>	Unlike so many other domestic political issues, racial profiling did not
disappear with the collapse of the twin towers.  Instead, it gained
immediate importance, even as it was dramatically recast.  Before September
11, 2001, eighty-one percent of Americans wanted racial profiling stopped.
After September 11, over fifty percent of Americans said they supported
profiling -- as long as it was profiling of Middle Easterners at airports.
	Using racial or ethnic appearance to describe known suspects works when a
specific crime has occurred and the police have a physical description of
the perpetrator.  In the case of these acts of terrorism, however, all
known suspects died in the hijackings.  The government is now using racial
profiling in an on-going ""war against terrorism.""  But as we have learned
from the ""war on drugs,"" using racial profiles to predict future behavior
is folly.
	Real police work is about observing suspicious behavior, not appearance.
When we use physical appearance as a proxy for criminality, law enforcement
shifts its attention away from what counts - how people behave.  This
approach sweeps huge numbers of innocent people into the investigative net,
squandering our finite law enforcement resources and diminishing the
chances of recognizing aberrant behavior when it happens.  It also
guarantees that we will miss many terrorists who do not fit our image of
what terrorists ""should look like"": the alleged shoe bomber Richard Reid,
""dirty bomber"" Jose Padilla, and homegrown terrorists like Tim McVeigh.
	Racial profiling has the added consequence of alienating the very people
most able to help spot al-Qaeda ""sleepers"" on our soil: thousands of
innocent Middle Easterners, who, instead of being viewed as potential
partners in intelligence gathering, have been detained and treated as
criminals.  
	Finally, statistics on hit rates - the rate at which police find actual
evidence of crime - for officers using racial profiling to identify
criminals, show clearly that this tactic is less effective than policing
that uses behavior rather than skin color as the basis for suspicion.
	Attorney General Ashcroft and his colleagues in law enforcement should
take the lessons of the highway to the airport: Even and especially in a
time of great fear, singling out groups of people for suspicion based on
their physical appearance is neither constitutional, morally acceptable,
nor effective.
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              <text>THE QUESTION

In the storm of emotion resulting from these dreadful events  ñ horror, rage, grief, fear, bewilderment, desire for revenge ñ calm and objectivity are naturally far to seek, and it would be unreasonable to expect otherwise. Yet even now there must be some thoughtful Americans asking themselves, ""Who could hate us enough to do this to us?  And what have we ever done to deserve such hatred?""  These are difficult questions to ask, let alone answer.  Both the asking and the answering require an ability to see the world through other people's eyes which Americans, notoriously, lack.  This insularity must be at least in part an accident of geography and should not be imputed to them as fault.  It is, nevertheless, a crippling disadvantage in dealing with the world outside one's own borders.  
The writer Sybille Bedford tells how she was approached by a drunken American in a bar in Mexico complaining that the locals wouldn't drink with him.  ""I'm only trying to be friendly,""  he said.  She replied: ""They don't want you to be friendly.  They want you to be polite.""1  It may seem eccentric to suggest that good manners are the key to the proper conduct of international relations.  But the willingness and the ability to stand in someone else's shoes and see with their eyes is the beginning and end of good manners.  And good manners, the humblest form of love, is ultimately what prevents the world =ollapsing into a state of Hobbesian savagery.
There seems to be some debate at the moment as to whether Israel's helot population of Palestinians, harassed, humiliated, bullied, starved, shot at, trapped in their ever-shrinking ghettoes, did or did not dance in the streets at the news of the attack on America - and if so how many did and how many didn't.  Interesting questions, certainly.  But there is another question, much harder to ask and to answer: ""If I were a Palestinian, wouldn't I be dancing in the streets?""  
How many are now asking themselves that question?  And what answers do they find?
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                <text>1.  ""A visit to Don Otavio."" (1960)</text>
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              <text>As a young nation, blessed with the wisdom and genius of our founding 
fathers, this country managed against great odds to build itself into a nation respected and envied by the world. It took a mere 200 years to become 
the most powerful, industrialized nation on the planet. Then came Sept.11, 
2001. A day that all of us were aware was coming, we just didn't know when 
and in what form.

Our country has been spared the tragedies that other nations' face on almost 
a daily basis and have for centuries. Even in our music, the conflicts are 
always ""over there"". Well, there is no ""over there"" any longer. It is here in 
our own backyard. We have for too long been ignorant as a collective nation 
of our policies and their affect on the attitude of how we are viewed as a 
people by the rest of the world.  

Our institutions of higher learning are sorely lacking in preparing our 
youth, which will soon take the reins, in cultural or language skills in a 
growing global world. The time has come when we can no longer afford to point 
a finger, but must with a critical eye recognize the siesmic disaster sitting 
just below the surface. While we snooze in the safe cocoon designed for us by 
those with everything to gain by our ignorance, corporate greed and 
corruption run rampant. Care of our elderly and protection for our children 
lack credibility. The environment suffers and our infrustructure is in 
shambles.

The constitution says ""for the people and by the people"". WE are the people. 
Those elected to represent us collect their salaries from our hard earned 
dollars, but do they really listen to voices of those the constitution meant 
to protect?  I wonder.
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              <text>Lesson Learned?

Recent history is full of lessons about the standing of the U.S. in the
world, about the state of democracy globally and the effects of U.S. foreign policy: I think it is important to see 9/11 as one element in a continuum of political acts perpetrated by one race or nation on another, and not to single it out as unprecedented because it happened here and to U.S. citizens.  International terrorism has been a fact of life since nations first formed, and, clearly, has become the symbol of outrage and defiance of the weak against the strong.  Certainly, the symbolism of the 9/11 attacks on 'world trade' and 'the military' is lost on no one.  The lesson to be gained from this ruthless act might be embedded in the everday meaning of its targets.

Over the past 20 years the humanitarian aid that has always poured out of the United States to global victims of war, famine and disease has been overshadowed by the export of ""free trade.""   This particular shibboleth masks the decline in the economies of those nations 'free' to experience foreign loans, investment and privatization in exchange for the lower incomes and lower quality of life required to finance their participation in this brave new world.  The 20th century has also seen the wielding of the ""big stick"" foreign policy, which ran the gamut from the vanquishing of German aggression to the illegal bombing of Cambodia, and the prospect of an unprovoked invasion of Iraq.  Once again, thanks for the good work, but the thing that lingers is the bitterness of having to live with injustice in any form.

Is there a lesson in the ashes?  Every single time.
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              <text>"Agenda Interrupted...","And it's about time. For 5000 years we've seen monumentalism
in the name of the powers that be waste enormous resources in
the effort to feed the egos of leadership. And every monument
draws the attention of angry minds wishing to strike back at
the symbols of power structures that they cannot themselves
dominate. Thankfully, in their blind rage, they have struck
at the most obvious, but not the most critical targets.

Instead of WTC, had they instead struck at the databases of
the financial industry, found the means to erase banking
records in nondescript buildings in the urban fringe, they
could have shut down the entire economy. Instead, they have
accellerated the dispersal of critical operations and the 
interconnectivity of electronic communications.

Not long after 9/11 the bankers told the senate hearing that
no more monumental office towers would be built because no
one is willing to insure them any more. I see a clue in the
ongoing installation of water lines along the roadways all
over my part of the Ozark mountains. They are also putting
up wireless high speed data towers so that widely dispersed
businesses like mine can function in rural areas where 
terrorism and urban crime is a trivial threat.

Ever since the Pharoahs we've seen power concentrated, and
now we are seeing it dispersed, and whereas before it was
all hidden behind palace walls, it is now evolving into
'open source' and 'accountability'. 

It's about time.
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              <text>Toward A More Perfect Union: Lessons Learned - Or Not - Since 9/11

September 11th.  Two simple words that can inspire complex emotions and lead a nation to fight. Yet have we learned from this tragedy?

Once we looked beyond the destruction and into the heart of our country, what we saw left us shattered.  The powerful giant that is the United States had been caught sleeping.  We were supposed to be untouchable, but now we realized too late that we were not.  Our open doors that once welcomed the hurting and poor were at once shut and the divisions of race and origin became painfully clear.  We rose in hatred against each other and left painful wounds.  Domestic policy pointed out people of certain origins in our airports and public places to be searched or watched.

Is this not a violation of our rights as Americans?
Foreign policy became to attack and destroy all people that we saw as potential enemies.  What started as a retaliation against Afghanistan broadened to threats of war against terrorist nations in the Middle East.  As a result, we have been polarized against people of Middle Eastern descent.  All this served to do is tear us apart while we claim to be united.	

If anything is to be salvaged from this disaster, we must learn from all the times in the past that we have divided along the lines of race.  We must take the lessons from World War II and September 11th and move towards acceptance of each other.  We must unite whether we be Japanese, Middle Eastern, or any other race. Ultimately, we are all American.
Is it not each of us that is responsible to lead our country towards a truly united future?
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                <text>San Benito High School&#13;
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              <text>This sad anniversary offers us an opportunity to take back our democracy. Above all we must work for peace and social justice to create a brighter future for our children. 

In the past year U.S. responses to crimes against humanity led us into greater peril. Bush blundered into a quagmire in Afghanistan. Israels occupation of Palestine exploded. The conflict between Pakistan and India threatens to go nuclear. Latin America balances on the brink of economic meltdown, coups and chaos. Our environment shows more signs of damage with every seasonal cycle. We see unremitting government attacks on constitutional freedoms. Now we face the prospect of intensified war with Iraq. Without legal justification and with the likelihood of terrorist backlash, we anticipate using massive deadly force against the Iraqi People. Our choice lies between collective responsibility for our childrens future, and the collective insanity of the Bush/Cheney administration. 

Bruce Springsteen sings in tribute to the heroes of September 11, who raced into the fire and died:

May your strength give us strength

May your faith give us faith

May your hope give us hope

May your love give us love

By contrast, Bush lacks the moral strength to serve social justice and peace. He lacks faith in democracy, hope for a better world (which is the only real answer to terrorism), and the love of humanity. His strength is killing, making money, and lying about it. His faith is non-existent. He hopes for apathy of the American People. He loves money and power. 

Thirty years ago my grandfather wore a ""Dump Nixon"" button and denounced the obnoxious criminal in the White House. I can do no less to oppose todays equally venal U.S. rulers, dedicated to corporate domination of working People and immoral wars in service of the rich.
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              <text>Last September cost innocent lives and innocent assumptions about our everyday security. Both are gone forever. But the Bush administrations subsequent "war on terrorism" has also cost us something that we can and must recover: the ability to criticize our government without being branded traitors. Losing that ability means conceding democracy to fanaticism and fear -- precisely the aim of Osama bin Laden and his murderous band. September 11 gave George Bush a second chance as president. Now the president is using it to advance a radical right wing agenda that puts the nation at risk.

By late last summer Bush's public approval ratings were heading Deep South. Writing on September 6, Wall Street Journal political editor Al Hunt summarized an emerging consensus. Bush had shown himself "dumbfounded or duplicitous" on the issues, and was no longer "controlling much of the political discourse." 

September 11 changed that. Horrified at what had happened, Americans rallied round their president to lead a suitable response. They responded with a new respect for the extraordinary heroism of firefighters and other public servants. Citizens learned a lesson that rebuked the ""infectious greed"" generated by this era of market dominance. Even the role of government was revalued in the face of real dangers and collective need. Alongside the fear and anger, these reactions contained a hopeful thread for reconstructing America's frayed democracy. But what we have gotten since instead -- all offered in the name of "fighting terrorism" -- is ""war profiteering"" masquerading as a stimulus package; abrupt and unilateral U.S. withdrawal from international arms control and environmental agreements; and a steady diet of lies from this Administration about everything from prescription drugs to the soundness of Social Security. Now this war presidents approval ratings are again slipping, and he is looking for another war -- but this time not against a cave-dwelling enemy in one of the poorest countries on earth, but an organized modern dictatorship in the armed and volatile Middle East.



But it is not too late to take back our country and use this moment --one year later--to build a post-911 Reconstruction Agenda: restoring tax fairness, building a high-road economy of shared prosperity, protecting and repairing our environment, winning real campaign reform, fixing our broken cities and prisons, seeking peace through sustainable development, not just military threat, and providing universal access to quality health care, education and housing. While we're at it, why not launch a Moon Shot effort to achieve national energy independence, and deny terrorists and corrupt regimes in the Middle East the source of their power. All of these things are needed to advance this country's democratic promise. Fighting for them is the patriotism needed now.
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              <text>We have no choice, the object lesson of the maelstrom moment we title ""9/11"" is so compelling, we must learn from it or be sucked into a black whole of nihilism and despair.  But in the obscuring gray of falling ash and the resounding silence of the impossible made possible what do we see?  What can we learn?
     We see our children - down to the seventh generation - and we comprehend how well they are loved.  What do we tell them? What do we offer to sustain hope, ensure a sense of futurity?  We see our  brothers and sisters, close at hand and far off, who, in the serendipity of existence, share this time, this space with us on planet Earth - and we feel their horror and confusion as death rains down from above, for now, these are also our horror and confusion; we see the irreplaceable beauty and significance of each of our lives, the great loveliness and desirability  of human global,community.
     We see writ in three dimensions and technicolor reality, the perversity, the brutality , the obscenity, the exportability, the evil of violence: violence as entertainment, violence as rhetoric, violence as solution - either personal or political.  We see the endpoint of hatred.
     We see the cost wrought by  the blindness of ignorance: be it of apathy or ideology, ours, theirs.  We see the imperatives of history:  lessons unlearned , return; as you sow, so shall you reap; great hubris leads to inevitable fall.
     We see that bounteous resources and national gifts, unlimited access to power, do not in themselves ensure for nations, virtue or its rewards.
     We learn . . .we must learn . . . to seek the truth, personally and together ,with passion and persistence, and to insist that truth ,and attendant justice, be the foundation for action.  We must learn to cherish and cultivate what is good and beautiful and creative in the world, to search for planetary sustainability.  We must learn to insist with our leaders that this is our will and their mandate.
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                <text>2003-02-24</text>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>TomPaine.com Stories</text>
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                  <text>TomPaine.com -- a liberal advocacy organization -- distributed a public call on August 12, 2002 for 300 word "opinion advertisement" similar to those that the organization had been running regularly in the op-ed page of The New York Times.  TomPaine.com received hundreds of submissions from the public, most of which the September 11 Digital Archive has preserved here.</text>
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              <text>"Toward a More Perfect Union",

Real War on Terror begins at home.

If bumper stickers and country music anthems are any indication, since last Sept. 11 many Americans have dealt with terrorism not by understanding the roots of this pernicious evil, and thus moving toward a real solution. But by making themselves feel better by repeating a largely unexamined hypothesis: that America is the greatest country on Earth.

Why this preoccupation with being ""the greatest""? How do we define that term, and more to the point, why bother? It's a perverse exercise, rooted in a sick type of competition that itself may be linked to militarism. Furthermore the claim is dubious in light of the facts, including America's frequently backward ideas about conservation, the environment and even what it means to be free.

Is freedom really little more than consumerism, about having the choice to buy one SUV or another? Seems like it, judging by the commercials. Many bristle at the suggestion that we might best advance our cause in the War on Terrorism if we modified our dependence on Middle East oil by parking that gas-guzzler in favor of more reasonable options. Yet these people gripe when the toll goes up a quarter, or the price of stamps jumps a nickel, but will sit mute when the president tramples civil liberties, trading real freedom for illusory security, and making the likes of Boeing rich in the meanwhile.

Like many places around the world, America is a mix of the best and worst of humanity. If we do not always act ""great"" or with wisdom or moderation, we surely have a great potential, and some amazing things have sprung from U.S. soil (unfortunately these now include biotech crops). Yet we still have a lot to learn about wise use of resources, and especially what it means to be true global citizens. Buzzwords like ""globalization"" sound good to Wall Street, but globalization must mean more than simply hawking goods made cheaply in poor countries, while arrogantly continuing to act as if the rest of the world didn't matter (see ""Kyoto Treaty"").

It is tough to advocate for more subtle interpretations of liberty when it's more fun to define ""freedom"" as a permutation of hedonism instead of what it really is: an obligation to respect limits, be stewards to the land and our fellow creatures, and to solve problems not with bombs but with compassion and insight.

Uncle Scam wants you to believe the only hope against terrorism lies in mouthing the same old platitudes and cranking up the same tired, violent strategies.

It's a bore, even if a deadly one.
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